The following article on the life of
President John F. Kennedy, and his
assassination on this date, November 22,
1963, is the lead piece in the eighth
Garrison: The Journal of History and
that has just been published: “The
Political Assassinations of the 1960s.”
From JFK, RFK, MLK, and Malcolm X, to
Hammarskjold and Lumumba, the 1960s were
a tragic period when the CIA took over
the United States and profoundly changed
the course of history, and
Garrison is indispensable for
understanding that history and its
importance for today. This issue is
double-sized (348 pages), a book
really. If you like the following
article, please support and purchase
November 23, 202:
Information Clearing House
- Despite a treasure trove
of new research and information having emerged over
the last fifty-eight years, there are many people
who still think who killed President John Fitzgerald
Kennedy and why are unanswerable questions. They
have drunk what Dr. Martin Schotz has called “the
waters of uncertainty” that results “in a state of
confusion in which anything can be believed but
nothing can be known, nothing of significance that
Then there are others who cling to the Lee Harvey
Oswald “lone-nut” explanation proffered by the
Both these groups tend to agree, however, that
whatever the truth, unknowable or allegedly known,
it has no contemporary relevance but is old-hat,
ancient history, stuff for conspiracy-obsessed
people with nothing better to do. The general
thinking is that the assassination occurred more
than a half-century ago, so let’s move on.
Nothing could be further from the truth, for the
assassination of JFK is the foundational event of
modern American history, the Pandora’s box from
which many decades of tragedy have sprung.
Pressured to Wage War
From the day he was sworn in as President on
January 20, 1961, John F. Kennedy was relentlessly
pressured by the Pentagon, the Central Intelligence
Agency, and by many of his own advisers to wage war
– clandestine, conventional, and nuclear.
To understand why and by whom he was assassinated
on November 22, 1963, one needs to apprehend this
pressure and the reasons why President Kennedy
consistently resisted it, as well as the
consequences of that resistance.
It is a key to understanding the current state of
our world today and why the United States has been
waging endless foreign wars and creating a national
security surveillance state at home since JFK’s
A War Hero Who Was Appalled By War
It is very important to remember that Lieutenant
John Kennedy was a genuine Naval war hero in WW II,
having risked his life and been badly injured while
saving his men in the treacherous waters of the
South Pacific after their PT boat was sunk by a
Japanese destroyer. His older brother Joe and his
brother-in-law Billy Hartington had died in the war,
as had some of his boat’s crew members.
As a result, Kennedy was extremely sensitive to
the horrors of war, and, when he first ran for
Congress in Massachusetts in 1946, he made it
explicitly clear that avoiding another war was his
number one priority. This commitment remained with
him and was intensely strengthened throughout his
brief presidency until the day he died, fighting for
Despite much rhetoric to the contrary, this
anti-war stance was unusual for a politician,
especially during the 1950s and 1960s. Kennedy was a
remarkable man, for even though he assumed the
presidency as somewhat of a cold warrior vis-à-vis
the Soviet Union in particular, his experiences in
office rapidly chastened that stance. He very
quickly came to see that there were many people
surrounding him who relished the thought of war,
even nuclear war, and he came to consider them as
A Prescient Perspective
Yet even before he became president, in 1957,
then Senator Kennedy gave a speech in the U.S.
Senate that sent shock waves throughout Washington,
D.C. and around the world.
He came out in support of Algerian independence from
France and African liberation generally
and against colonial imperialism. As chair of
the Senate’s African Subcommittee in 1959, he urged
sympathy for African independence movements as part
of American foreign policy. He believed that
continued support of colonial policies would only
end in more bloodshed because the voices of
independence would not be denied, nor should they
That speech caused an international uproar, and
in the U.S.A. Kennedy was harshly criticized by
Eisenhower, Nixon, John Foster Dulles, and even
members of the Democratic party, such as Adlai
Stevenson and Dean Acheson. But it was applauded in
Africa and the Third World.
Yet JFK continued throughout his 1960
presidential campaign raising his voice against
colonialism throughout the world and for free and
independent African nations. Such views were
anathema to the foreign policy establishment,
including the CIA and the burgeoning military
industrial complex that President Eisenhower
belatedly warned against in his Farewell Address,
delivered nine months after approving the Bay of
Pigs invasion of Cuba in March 1960; this
juxtaposition revealed the hold the Pentagon and CIA
had and has on sitting presidents, as the pressure
for war became structurally systemized.
One of Africa’s anti-colonial and nationalist
leaders was the charismatic Congolese Prime Minister
Patrice Lumumba. In June, 1960, he had become the
first democratically elected leader of the Congo, a
country savagely raped and plundered for more than
half a century by Belgium’s King Leopold II for
himself and multinational mining companies.
Kennedy’s support for African independence was
well-known and especially feared by the CIA, who,
together with Brussels, considered Lumumba, and
Kennedy for supporting him, as threats to their
interests in the region.
So, three days before JFK’s inauguration,
together with the Belgian government, the CIA had
Lumumba brutally assassinated after torturing and
beating him. According to Robert Johnson, a note
taker at a National Security Council meeting in
August 1960, Lumumba’s assassination had been
approved by President Eisenhower when he gave Allen
Dulles, the Director of the CIA, the approval to
“eliminate” Lumumba. Johnson disclosed that in a
1975 interview that was discovered in 2000.
On January 26, 1961, when Dulles briefed the new
president on the Congo, he did not tell JFK that
they already had Lumumba assassinated nine days
before. This was meant to keep Kennedy on
tenterhooks to teach him a lesson. On February 13,
1961, Kennedy received a phone call from his UN
ambassador Adlai Stevenson informing him of
Lumumba’s death. There is a photograph by White
House photographer Jacques Lowe
of the horror-stricken president sitting in the
oval office answering that call that is harrowing to
view. It was an unmistakable portent of things to
come, a warning for the president.
Dag Hammarskjöld, Indonesia, and Sukarno
One of Kennedy’s crucial allies in his efforts to
support third-world independence was United Nations’
Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld. Hammarskjöld had
been deeply involved in peacekeeping in the Congo as
well as efforts to resolve disputes in Indonesia,
both important countries central to JFK’s concerns.
Hammarskjöld was killed on September 18, 1961 while
on a peacekeeping mission to the Congo. Substantial
evidence exists that he was assassinated and that
the CIA and Allen Dulles were involved. Kennedy was
devastated to lose such an important ally.
Kennedy’s strategy involved befriending Indonesia
as a Cold War ally as a crucial aspect of his
Southeast Asian policy of dealing with Laos and
Vietnam and finding peaceful resolutions to other
smoldering Cold War conflicts. Hammarskjöld was also
central to these efforts. The CIA, led by Dulles,
strongly opposed Kennedy’s strategy in Indonesia. In
fact, Dulles and the CIA had been involved in
treacherous maneuverings in resource rich Indonesia
President Kennedy supported the Indonesian President
Sukarno, while Dulles opposed him since he stood
for Indonesian independence.
Just two days before Kennedy was killed on
November 22, 1963, he had accepted an invitation
from Indonesian President Sukarno to visit that
country the following spring. The aim of the visit
was to end the conflict (Konfrontasi)
between Indonesia and Malaysia and to continue
Kennedy’s efforts to support post-colonial Indonesia
with non-military economic and development aid. His
goal was to end conflict throughout Southeast Asia
and assist the growth of democracy in newly
liberated post-colonial countries worldwide.
Of course, JFK never made it to Indonesia in
1964, and his peaceful strategy to bring Indonesia
to America’s side and to ease tensions in the Cold
War was never realized, thanks to Allen Dulles and
the CIA. And, Kennedy’s proposed withdrawal of
American military advisers from Vietnam, which, in
part, was premised on success in Indonesia, was
quickly reversed by Lyndon Johnson after JFK’s
murder and within a short time hundreds of thousand
American combat troops were sent to Vietnam. In
Indonesia, Sukarno would be forced out and replaced
by General Suharto, who would rule with an iron fist
for the next 30 years. Soon, both countries would
experience mass slaughter engineered by Kennedy’s
opponents in the CIA and Pentagon.
The Bay of Pigs
In mid-April 1961, less than three months into
his presidency, a trap was set for President Kennedy
by the CIA and its director, Allen Dulles, who knew
of Kennedy’s reluctance to invade Cuba. They assumed
the new president would be forced by circumstances
at the last minute to send in U.S. Navy and Marine
forces to back the invasion that they had planned.
The CIA and generals wanted to oust Fidel Castro,
and in pursuit of that goal, trained a force of
Cuban exiles to invade Cuba. This had started under
President Eisenhower and Vice President Nixon.
Kennedy refused to go along with sending in American
troops and the invasion was roundly defeated. The
CIA, military, and Cuban exiles bitterly blamed
But it was all a sham. Classified documents
uncovered in 2000 revealed that the CIA had
discovered that the Soviets had learned the date of
the invasion more than a week in advance and had
informed Cuban Prime Minister Fidel Castro, but—and
here is a startling fact that should make people’s
hair stand on end—the CIA never told the President.
The CIA knew the invasion was probably doomed before
the fact but went ahead with it anyway.
Why? So, they could blame JFK for the failure
Kennedy later said to his friends Dave Powell and
Ken O’Donnell, “They were sure I’d give in to them
and send the go-ahead order to the [Navy’s aircraft
carrier] Essex. They couldn’t believe that
a new president like me wouldn’t panic and save his
own face. Well, they had me figured all wrong.”
This treachery set the stage for events to come.
Sensing but not knowing the full extent of the
set-up, Kennedy fired CIA Director Allen Dulles
(who, as in a bad joke, was later named to the
Warren Commission investigating JFK’s assassination)
and his assistant, General Charles Cabell (whose
brother, Earle Cabell, to make a bad joke absurd,
was the mayor of Dallas on the day Kennedy was
killed.) It was later discovered that Earle Cabell
was a CIA asset.
JFK said he wanted “to splinter the CIA in a
thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.” Not
sentiments to endear him to a secretive government
within a government whose power was growing
Kennedy Responds After the Bay of Pigs
The stage was now set for events to follow as
JFK, now even more suspicious of the
military-intelligence people around him, and in
opposition to nearly all his advisers, consistently
opposed the use of force in U.S. foreign policy.
In 1961, despite the Joint Chiefs’ demand to put
combat troops into Laos – advising 140,000 by the
end of April – Kennedy bluntly insisted otherwise as
he ordered Averell Harriman, his representative at
the Geneva Conference, “Did you understand? I want a
negotiated settlement in Laos. I don’t want to put
The president knew that Laos and Vietnam were linked
issues, and since Laos came first on his agenda, he
was determined to push for a neutral Laos.
Also in 1961, he refused to accede to the
insistence of his top generals to give them
permission to use nuclear weapons in a dispute with
the Soviet Union over Berlin and Southeast Asia.
Walking out of a meeting with his top military
advisors, Kennedy threw his hands in the air and
said, “These people are crazy.”
In March 1962, the CIA, in the person of
legendary operative, Edward Lansdale, and with the
approval of every member of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, presented the president with a pretext for a
U.S. invasion of Cuba. Code-named
Operation Northwoods, the
false-flag plan called for innocent people to be
shot in the U.S., boats carrying Cuban refugees to
be sunk and a terrorism campaign to be launched in
Miami, Washington D.C., and other places, all to be
blamed on the Castro government so that the public
would be outraged and call for an invasion of Cuba.
Kennedy was appalled and rejected this pressure
to manipulate him into agreeing to terrorist attacks
on Americans that could later be used against him.
He already knew that his life was in danger and that
the CIA and military were tightening a noose around
his neck. But he refused to yield.
As early as June 26, 1961, in a White House
meeting with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev’s
spokesperson, Mikhail Kharlamov, and Khrushchev’s
son-in-law, Alexei Adzhubei, when asked by Kharlamov
why he wasn’t moving faster to advance relations
between the two countries, JFK said “You don’t
understand this country. If I move too fast on
U.S.-Soviet relations, I’ll either be thrown into an
insane asylum, or be killed.”
JFK refused to bomb and invade Cuba as the
military wished during the Cuban missile crisis in
October 1962. The Soviets had placed offensive
nuclear missiles and more than 30,000 support troops
in Cuba to prevent another U.S.-led invasion.
American aerial photography had detected the
missiles. This was understandably unacceptable to
the U.S. government. While being urged by the Joint
Chiefs and his trusted advisors to order a
preemptive nuclear strike on Cuba, JFK knew that a
diplomatic solution was the only way out as he
wouldn’t accept the death of hundreds of millions of
people that would likely follow a series of nuclear
exchanges with the Soviet Union. Only his brother,
Robert, and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara
stood with him in opposing the use of nuclear
weapons. Daniel Ellsberg, a former Pentagon and Rand
Corporation analyst, reported a coup atmosphere in
the Pentagon as Kennedy chose to settle rather than
In the end, after thirteen incredibly tense days of
brinksmanship, Kennedy and Soviet Premier Nikita
Khrushchev miraculously found a way to resolve the
crisis and prevent the use of those weapons.
Afterwards, JFK told his friend John Kenneth
Galbraith that “I never had the slightest intention
of doing so.”
The Fateful Year 1963
In June, 1963, JFK gave an historic speech at
American University in which he called for the total
abolishment of nuclear weapons, the end of the Cold
War and the “Pax Americana enforced on the world by
American weapons of war,” and movement toward
“general and complete disarmament.”
A few months later he signed a Limited Test Ban
Treaty with Nikita Khrushchev.
In October 1963 he signed National Security
Action Memorandum 263 calling for the withdrawal of
1,000 U. S. military troops from Vietnam by the end
of the year and complete withdrawal by the end of
All this he did while secretly engaging in
negotiations with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev
via Saturday Evening Post editor and
anti-nuclear weapon advocate, Norman Cousins, Soviet
agent Georgi Bolshakov,
and Pope John XXIII,
as well as with
Cuba’s Prime Minister Fidel Castro through various
intermediaries, one of whom was French
Journalist Jean Daniel. Of course, secret was not
secret when the CIA was involved.
Kennedy, deeply disturbed by the near nuclear
catastrophe of the Cuban missile crisis, was
determined to open back channel communications to
make sure such a near miss never happened again. He
knew fault lay on both sides, and that one slipup or
miscommunication could initiate a nuclear
holocaust. He was determined, therefore, to try to
open lines of communications with his enemies.
Jean Daniel was going to Cuba to interview Fidel
Castro, but before he did he interviewed Kennedy on
October 24, 1963. Kennedy, knowing Daniel would
tell Castro what he said, asked Daniel if Castro
realizes that “through his fault the world was on
the verge of nuclear war in October 1962….or even if
he cares about it.” But he also added, to soften
“I approved the proclamation Fidel Castro made in
the Sierra Maestra, when he justifiably called for
justice and especially yearned to rid Cuba of
corruption. I will go even further: to some extent
it is as though Batista was the incarnation of a
number of sins on the part of the United States. Now
we will have to pay for those sins. In the matter of
the Batista regime, I am in agreement with the first
Cuban revolutionaries. That is perfectly clear.”
Such sentiments were anathema, shall we say
treasonous, to the CIA and top Pentagon generals.
These clear refusals to go to war with Cuba, to
emphasize peace and negotiated solutions to
conflicts rather than war, to order the withdrawal
of all military personnel from Vietnam, to call for
an end to the Cold War, and his willingness to
engage in private, back-channel communications with
Cold War enemies marked Kennedy as an enemy of the
national security state. They were on a collision
The Assassination on November 22, 1963
After going through the Bay of Pigs, Cuban
Missile Crisis and many other military cliffhangers,
Kennedy underwent a deep metanoia, a spiritual
transformation, from Cold Warrior to peacemaker. He
came to regard the generals who advised him as
devaluing human life and hell-bent on launching
nuclear wars. And he was well aware that his growing
resistance to war had put him on a dangerous
collision course with those generals and the CIA. On
numerous occasions, he spoke of the possibility of a
military coup d’état against him.
The night before his trip to Dallas, he told his
wife, “But, Jackie, if somebody wants to shoot me
from a window with a rifle, nobody can stop it, so
why worry about it.”
And we know that nobody did try to stop it
because they had planned his execution from multiple
locations to assure its success.
Who Killed Him?
If the only things you read, watched, or listened
to since 1963 were the mainstream corporate media
(MSM), you would be convinced that the official
explanation for JFK’s assassination, the Warren
Commission, was correct in essentials. You
would be wrong, because those corporate media have
for all these years served as mouthpieces for the
government, most notably the CIA that infiltrated
and controlled them long ago under a secret program
called Operation Mockingbird.
In 1977, celebrated Watergate journalist, Carl
Bernstein, published a 25,000-word cover story for
Rolling Stone, “The CIA and the Media,” in
which he published the names of many journalists and
media, such as The New York Times, CBS,
Time, Newsweek, etc., who worked hand in glove
with the CIA for decades. Ironically, or as part of
“a limited hangout” (spy talk for admitting some
truths while concealing deeper ones), this article
can be found at the CIA’s own website.
Total control of information requires media
complicity, and with the JFK assassination, and in
all matters they consider important, the CIA and the
MSM are unified.
Such control extends to literature, arts, and
popular culture as well as news. Frances Stonor
Saunders comprehensively documents this in her 1999
book, The Cultural Cold War: The CIA And The
World Of Arts And Letters,
and Joel Whitney followed this up in 2016 with
Finks: How the CIA Tricked the World’s Best Writers,
with particular emphasis on the complicity of
the CIA and the famous literary journal The
Paris Review. Such revelations are retrospective,
of course, but only the most naïve would conclude
such operations are a thing of the past.
The Warren Commission claimed that the
president was shot by an ex-Marine named Lee Harvey
Oswald, firing three bullets from the 6th
floor of the Texas School Book Depository as
Kennedy’s car was already two hundred and fifty feet
past and driving away from him. But this is patently
false for many reasons, including the bizarre claim
that one of these bullets, later termed “the magic
bullet,” passed through Kennedy’s body and zigzagged
up and down, left and right, striking Texas Governor
John Connolly who was sitting in the front seat and
causing seven wounds in all, only to be found later
in pristine condition on a stretcher in Parkland
And, any lone assassin looking out the 6th
floor window would have taken the perfect shot as
the limousine approached within forty feet of the
TSBD on Houston St.
The absurdity of the government’s claim, a
ballistic fairy tale, was the key to its assertion
that Oswald killed Kennedy. It was visually
shattered and rendered ridiculous by the famous
Zapruder film that clearly shows the president being
shot from the front right, and, as the right front
of his head explodes, he is violently thrown back
and to his left as Jacqueline Kennedy climbs on to
the car’s trunk to retrieve a piece of her husband’s
skull and brain.
This video evidence is clear and simple proof of
Who Was Lee Harvey Oswald?
But there is another way to examine it.
If Lee Harvey Oswald, the man The Warren
Commission said killed JFK, was connected to
the intelligence community, the FBI and the CIA,
then we can logically conclude that he was not “a
lone-nut” assassin or not an assassin at all. There
is a wealth of evidence to show how, from the very
start, Oswald was moved around the globe by the CIA
like a pawn in a game, and when the game was done,
the pawn was eliminated in the Dallas police
headquarters by Jack Ruby two days later.
James W. Douglass, in JFK and the
Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters,
the most important book on the matter, asks this
Why was Lee Harvey Oswald so tolerated and
supported by the government he betrayed?
This is a key question.
After serving as a U.S. Marine at the CIA’s U-2
spy plane Atsugi Air Force Base in Japan with a
Crypto clearance (higher than top secret, a fact
suppressed by the Warren Commission) and being
trained in the Russian language, Oswald left the
Marines and defected to the Soviet Union.
After denouncing the U.S., rejecting his American
citizenship, working at a Soviet factory in Minsk,
and taking a Russian wife—during which time Gary
Powers’ U-2 spy plane was shot down over the Soviet
Union—he returned to the U.S. with a loan from the
American Embassy in Moscow, only to be met at the
dock in Hoboken, New Jersey, by Spas T. Raikin, a
prominent anti-Communist with extensive intelligence
connections recommended by the State Department.
Oswald passed through immigration with no
trouble, was not prosecuted, moved to Fort Worth,
Texas where, at the suggestion of the Dallas CIA
Domestic Contacts Service chief, he was met and
befriended by George de Mohrenschildt, an
anti-communist Russian, who was a CIA asset. De
Mohrenschildt got him a job four days later at a
photography and graphic arts company that worked on
top secret maps for the U.S. Army Map Service
related to U-2 spy missions over Cuba.
Oswald was then shepherded around the Dallas area
by de Mohrenschildt. In 1977, on the day he revealed
he had contacted Oswald for the CIA and was to meet
with the House Select Committee on Assassinations’
Gaeton Fonzi, de Mohrenschildt allegedly
Oswald then moved to New Orleans in April, 1963
where he got a job at the Reily Coffee Company owned
by CIA-affiliated William Reily. The Reily Coffee
Company was located in close vicinity to the FBI,
CIA, Secret Service, and Naval Intelligence offices
and a stone’s throw from the office of Guy Banister,
a former Special Agent in Charge of the FBI’s
Chicago Bureau, who worked as a covert action
coordinator for the intelligence services, supplying
weapons, money, and training to anti-Castro
paramilitaries. Oswald then went to work with
Banister and the CIA paramilitaries.
From this time up until the assassination, Oswald
engaged in all sorts of contradictory activities,
one day portraying himself as pro-Castro, the next
day as anti-Castro, many of these theatrical
performances being directed from Banister’s office.
It was as though Oswald, on the orders of his puppet
masters, was enacting multiple and antithetical
roles in order to confound anyone intent on
deciphering the purposes behind his actions and to
set him up as a future “assassin” or “patsy.”
James Douglass persuasively argues that Oswald
“seems to have been working with both the CIA and
FBI,” as a provocateur for the former and an
informant for the latter. Jim and Elsie Wilcott, who
worked at the CIA Tokyo Station from 1960-64, in a
1978 interview with the San Francisco Chronicle,
said, “It was common knowledge in the Tokyo CIA
station that Oswald worked for the agency.”
When Oswald moved to New Orleans in April, 1963,
de Mohrenschildt exited the picture, having asked
the CIA for and been indirectly given a $285,000
contract to do a geological survey for Haitian
dictator “Papa Doc” Duvalier, which he never did,
but for which he was paid.
Ruth and Michael Paine then entered the scene on
cue. Ruth had been introduced to Oswald by de
Mohrenschildt. In September, 1963, Ruth Paine drove
from her sister’s house in Virginia to New Orleans
to pick up Marina Oswald and bring her to Dallas to
live with her, where Lee also stayed on weekends.
Back in Dallas, Ruth Paine conveniently arranged a
job for Lee Harvey Oswald in the Texas Book
Depository, where he began work on October 16, 1963.
Ruth, along with Marina Oswald, was the Warren
Commission’s critically important witness against
Oswald. Allen Dulles, despite his earlier firing by
JFK, got appointed to a key position on the Warren
Commission. He questioned the Paines in front of
it, studiously avoiding any revealing questions,
especially ones that could disclose his personal
connections to the Paines. For Michel Paine’s
mother, therefore Ruth’s mother-in-law, Ruth Paine
Forbes Young, was a close friend of his old
mistress, Mary Bancroft, who worked as a spy with
Dulles during WW II. Bancroft and he had been
invited guests at Ruth Paine Forbes Young’s private
island off Cape Cod.
Ruth and Michael Paine had extensive intelligence
connections. Thirty years after the assassination, a
document was declassified showing Ruth Paine’s
sister Sylvia worked for the CIA. Her father
traveled throughout Latin America on an Agency for
International Development (notorious for CIA front
activities) contract and filed reports that went to
the CIA. Her husband Michael’s step-father, Arthur
Young, was the inventor of the Bell Helicopter, a
major military supplier for the Vietnam War, and
Michael’s job there gave him a security clearance.
From late September through November 22nd,
various “Oswalds” were later reported to have
simultaneously been seen from Mexico City to Dallas.
Two Oswalds were arrested in the Texas Theater, the
real one taken out the front door and an impostor
out the back.
As Douglass says:
There were more Oswalds providing evidence
against Lee Harvey Oswald than the Warren Report
could use or even explain.
Even J. Edgar Hoover knew that Oswald impostors
were used, as he told LBJ concerning Oswald’s
alleged visit to the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City.
He later called this CIA ploy, “the false story re
Oswald’s trip to Mexico . . . their (CIA’s)
double-dealing,” something that he couldn’t forget.
It was apparent to anyone paying close attention
that a very intricate and deadly game was being
played at high levels in the shadows.
We know Oswald was blamed for the President’s
murder. But if one fairly follows the trail of the
crime, it becomes blatantly obvious that government
forces were at work. Douglass and others have
amassed layer upon layer of evidence to show how
this had to be so.
Who Had the Power to Withdraw the
To answer this essential question is to finger
the conspirators and to expose, in Vincent
Salandria’s words, “the false mystery concealing
Neither Oswald, the mafia nor anti-Castro Cubans
could have withdrawn most of the security that day.
Sheriff Bill Decker ordered all his deputies “to
take no part whatsoever in the security of
that [presidential] motorcade.”
Police Chief Jesse Curry did the same for Dallas
police protection for the president in Dealey Plaza.
Both “Chief Curry and Sheriff Decker gave their
orders withdrawing security from the president in
obedience to orders they had themselves received
from the Secret Service.” The Secret Service
withdrew the police motorcycle escorts from beside
the president’s car where they had been on previous
presidential motorcades as well as the day before in
Houston and removed agents from the back of the car
where they were normally stationed to obstruct
The Secret Service admitted there were no Secret
Service agents on the ground in Dealey Plaza to
protect Kennedy. But we know from extensive witness
testimony that, during and after the assassination,
there were people in Dealey Plaza impersonating
Secret Service agents who stopped policeman and the
public from moving through the area on the Grassy
Knoll where some of the shots appeared to come from.
The Secret Service approved the fateful, dogleg turn
(on a dry run on November 18) where the car, driven
by Secret Service agent William Greer, moved at a
snail’s pace and came almost to a halt before the
final head shot, clear and blatant security
violations. The House Select Committee on
Assassinations concluded this, not some conspiracy
Who could have squelched the testimony of the
many doctors and medical personnel who claimed the
president had been shot from the front in his neck
and head, testimony contradicting the official
Who could have prosecuted and imprisoned Abraham
Bolden, the first African-American Secret Service
agent personally brought on to the White House
detail by JFK, who warned that he feared the
president was going to be assassinated? (Douglass
interviewed Bolden seven times and his evidence on
the aborted plot to kill JFK in Chicago on November
2 is a story little known but extraordinary in its
The list of all the people who turned up dead,
the evidence and events manipulated, the inquiry
squelched, distorted, and twisted in an ex post
facto cover-up clearly point to forces within the
government, not rogue actors without institutional
The evidence for a conspiracy organized at the
deepest levels of the intelligence apparatus is
overwhelming. James Douglass presents it in such
depth and so logically that only one hardened to the
truth would not be deeply moved and affected by his
book, JFK and the Unspeakable.
But there is more from him and other researchers
who have cut the Gordian knot of this false
mystery with a few brief strokes.
Oswald, The Preordained Patsy
Three examples will suffice to show that Lee
Harvey Oswald, working as part of a U.S.
Intelligence operation, was set up to take the blame
for the assassination of President Kennedy, and that
when he said in police custody that he was “a
patsy,” he was speaking truthfully. These examples
make it clear that Oswald was deceived by his
intelligence handlers and had been chosen without
his knowledge, long before the murder, to take the
blame as a lone, crazed killer.
First, Kennedy was shot at 12:30 P.M. CT.
According to the Warren Report, at 12:45
P.M. a police report was issued for a suspect that
perfectly fit Oswald’s description. This was based
on the testimony of Howard Brennan, who said he was
standing across from the Book Depository and saw a
standing white man, about 5’10” and slender, fire a
rifle at the president’s car from the sixth-floor
window. This was blatantly false because photographs
taken moments after the shooting show the window
open only partially at the bottom about fourteen
inches, and it would have been impossible for a
standing assassin to be seen “resting against the
left windowsill,” (the windowsill was a foot from
the floor), as Brennan is alleged to have said. He
would have therefore had to have been shooting
through the glass. The description of the suspect
was clearly fabricated in advance to match Oswald’s.
Then between 1:06 and 1:15 P.M. in the quiet
residential Oak Cliff neighborhood of Dallas, Police
Officer J.D. Tippit was shot and killed. Supposedly
based on Brennan’s description broadcast over police
radio, Tippit had stopped a man fitting the
description and this man pulled a gun and shot the
officer. Meanwhile, Oswald had returned to his
rooming house where his landlady said he left at
1:03 P.M., went outside, and was standing at a
northbound bus stop. The Tippet murder took place
nine-tenths of a mile away to the south where a
witness, Mrs. Higgins, said she heard a gunshot at
1:06 P.M., ran outside, saw Tippit lying in the
street and a man running away with a handgun whom
she said was not Oswald.
Oswald is reported to have entered the Texas
Theater minutes before the Tippit murder. The
concession stand operator, Warren Burroughs has said
he sold him popcorn at 1:15 P.M., which is the time
the Warren Report claims Tippit was killed. At 1:50
P.M., Lee Harvey Oswald was arrested in the Texas
Theater and taken out the front door where a crowd
and many police cars awaited him, while a few
minutes later a second Oswald is secretly taken out
the back door of the movie theater. (To read this
story of the second Oswald and his movement by the
CIA out of Dallas on a military aircraft on the
afternoon of November 22, 1963, documented in great
detail by James W. Douglass, is an eye-opener.)
The official narrative of Oswald and the Tippit
murder begs credulity, but it serves to “show” that
Oswald was a killer.
Despite his denials, Oswald, set up for Kennedy’s
murder based on a prepackaged description, is
arraigned for Tippit’s murder at 7:10 PM. It was not
until the next day that he was charged for
The Message to Air Force One
Secondly, while Oswald is being questioned about
Tippit’s murder in the afternoon hours after his
arrest, Air Force One has left Dallas for Washington
with the newly sworn-in president Lyndon Johnson and
the presidential party. Back in D.C., the White
House Situation Room is under the personal and
direct control of Kennedy’s National Security
Advisor, McGeorge Bundy, a man with close CIA ties
who had opposed JFK on many matters, including the
Bay of Pigs and Kennedy’s order to withdraw from
As reported by Theodore White, in The Making
of the President 1964, Johnson and the others
were informed by the Bundy controlled Situation Room
that “there was no conspiracy, learned of the
identity of Oswald and his arrest …”
Vincent Salandria, one of the earliest and most
astute critics of the Warren Commission, put it this
way in his book, False Mystery:
This [announcement from the Situation Room to
Air Force One in flight back to Washington, D.C]
was the very first announcement of Oswald as the
lone assassin. In Dallas, Oswald was not even
charged with assassinating the President until
1:30 A.M. the next morning. The plane landed at
5:59 P.M. on the 22nd. At that time the District
Attorney of Dallas, Henry Wade, was stating that
“preliminary reports indicated more than one
person was involved in the shooting … the
electric chair is too good for the killers.” Can
there be any doubt that for any government taken
by surprise by the assassination — and
legitimately seeking the truth concerning it —
less than six hours after the time of the
assassination was too soon to know
there was no conspiracy? This announcement was
the first which designated Oswald as the lone
I propose the thesis that McGeorge Bundy,
when that announcement was issued from his
Situation Room, had reason to know that the true
meaning of such a message when conveyed to the
Presidential party on Air Force One [and to a
separate plane with the entire cabinet that had
turned around and was headed back over the
Pacific Ocean] was not the ostensible message
which was being communicated. Rather, I submit
that Bundy … was really conveying to the
Presidential party the thought that Oswald was
being designated the lone assassin before any
evidence against him was ascertainable. As a
central coordinator of intelligence services,
Bundy in transmitting such a message through the
Situation Room was really telling the
Presidential party that an unholy marriage had
taken place between the U.S. Governmental
intelligence services and the lone-assassin
doctrine. Was he not telling the Presidential
party peremptorily, ‘Now, hear this! Oswald is
the assassin, the sole assassin. Evidence is not
available yet. Evidence will be obtained, or in
lieu thereof evidence will be created. This is a
crucial matter of state that cannot await
evidence. The new rulers have spoken. You,
there, Mr. New President, and therefore
dispatchable stuff, and you the underlings of a
deposed President, heed the message well.’ Was
not Bundy’s Situation Room serving an Orwellian
Oswald’s Prepackaged Life Story
Finally, Air Force Colonel Fletcher Prouty adds a
third example of the CIA conspiracy for those who
need more evidence that the government has lied from
the start about the assassination.
Prouty was Chief of Special Operations in the
Pentagon before and during the Kennedy years. He was
the liaison between the Joint Chiefs and the CIA,
working closely with Director Allen Dulles and
others in supporting the clandestine operations of
the CIA under military cover. He had been sent out
of the country to the South Pole by the
aforementioned CIA operative Edward Lansdale
(Operation Northwoods) before the Kennedy
assassination and was returning on November 22,
1963. On a stopover in Christchurch, New Zealand, he
heard a radio report that the president had been
killed but knew no details. He was having breakfast
with a U.S Congressman at 7:30 AM on November 23,
New Zealand time. A short time later, at
approximately 4:30 PM Dallas time, November 22, he
Christchurch Star 23 November 1963
newspaper and read it together with the Congressman.
The newspaper reports from the scene said that
Kennedy had been killed by bursts of automatic
weapons fire, not a single shot rifle, firing three
separate shots in 6.8 seconds, as was later claimed
for Oswald. But the thing that really startled him
was that at a time when Oswald had just been
arrested and had not even been charged for the
murder of Officer Tippit, there was elaborate
background information on Oswald, his time in
Russia, his association with Fair Play for Cuba
Committee in New Orleans, etc. “It’s almost like a
book written five years later,” said Prouty.
“Furthermore, there’s a picture of Oswald,
well-dressed in a business suit, whereas, when he
was picked up on the streets of Dallas after the
President’s death, he had on some t-shirt or
Who had written that scenario? Who wrote
that script…So much news was already written
ahead of time of the murder to say that Oswald
killed the President and that he did it with
three shots…Somebody had decided Oswald was
going to be the patsy…Where did they get it,
before the police had charged him with the
crime? Not so much ‘where,’ as ‘why’ Oswald?
Prouty, an experienced military man working for
the CIA in the Pentagon, accused the
military-intelligence “High Cabal” of killing
President Kennedy in an elaborate and sophisticated
plot and blaming it on Oswald, whom they had begun
setting up years in advance.
The evidence for a government plot to plan,
assassinate, cover-up, and choose a patsy in the
murder of President John Kennedy is overwhelming.
Five years after JFK’s assassination, we would
learn, to our chagrin and his glory, that the
president’s younger brother, Senator Robert F.
Kennedy, equally brave and unintimidated, would take
a bullet to the back of his head in 1968 as he was
on his way to the presidency and the pursuit of his
brother’s killers. The same cowards struck again.
Their successors still run the country and must
Epilogue by James W. Douglass
“John F. Kennedy was raised from the death of
wealth, power, and privilege. The son of a
millionaire ambassador, he was born, raised, and
educated to rule the system. When he was elected
President, Kennedy’s heritage of power corresponded
to his position as head of the greatest national
security state in history. But Kennedy, like
Lazarus, was raised from the death of that system.
In spite of all odds, he became a peacemaker and,
thus, a traitor to the system….
“Why? What raised Kennedy from the dead? Why
did John Kennedy choose life in the midst of death
and by continuing to choose life thus condemn
himself to death? I have puzzled over that question
while studying the various biographies of Kennedy.
May I suggest one source of grace for his
resurrection as a peacemaker? In reading his story,
one is struck by his devotion to his children. There
is no mistaking the depth of love he had for
Caroline and John, and the overwhelming pain he and
Jacqueline experienced at the death of their son
Patrick. Robert Kennedy in his book Thirteen Days
has described how his brother saw the Cuban Missile
Crisis in terms of the future of his children and
all children. I believe John Kennedy was at least
partially raised from the dead of the national
security state by the life of his children. The
heroic peacemaking of his final months, with his
acceptance of its likely cost in his own death, was,
I suspect, partly a result of the universal life he
saw in and through them. I think he believed
profoundly the words that he gave in his American
University address as his foundation for rejecting
the Cold War: ‘Our most basic common link is that we
all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the
same air. We all cherish our children’s
future. And we are all mortal.’”
Curtin, educated in the classics,
philosophy, literature, theology, and sociology,
Teaches sociology at Massachusetts College of
History Will Not Absolve Us: Orwellian Control,
Public Denial, and the Murder of President Kennedy,
E. Martin Schotz, Kurtz, Ulmer, & DeLucia Book
JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died & Why It
James W. Douglass, Orbis Books, 2008,
p. 8 & p.212.
Edition, Skyhorse Publishing, 2012, pp. 17-33.
The Devil’s Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA
and the Rise of America’s Secret Government,
David Talbot, Harper Collins, 2015, pp.
MORI DocID: 1451843 p. 464, p. 473 of “The
CIA’s Family Jewels,” 16 May 1973, The
National Security Archives.
Investigation into the condition and
circumstances resulting in the tragic death of Dag
Hammarskjold and of members of the party
accompanying him (United Nations
General Assembly document,) Judge Mohamed Chande
Othman, September 5, 2017, p. 49 and 50,
Hammarskjöld Plane Crash Recent Developments, UN
Association, Westminster Branch UK.
 Edward Curtin interviews Greg Poulgrain on
The Incubus of Intervention: Conflicting
Indonesian Strategies of John F. Kennedy and Allen
Dulles, Global Research, July 22,
Chapter 2 – JFK, Dulles and Hammarskjöld of
The Incubus of Intervention. Greg Poulgrain,
JFK vs Allen Dulles: Battleground Indonesia,
Simon & Schuster, 2020.
Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., American Values,
Harper Collins, 2018, p. 117.
Dallas Mayor During JFK Assassination Was CIA Asset,
Who.What.Why, August 2, 2017.
 Peter Kornbluh confirmed this in a phone
conversation with the author in May 2000. See
The ULTRASENSITIVE Bay of PigsNewly Released
Portions of Taylor Commission Report Provide
Critical New Details on Operation Zapata,
National Security Archive Briefing Book No. 29, May
 Averell Harriman interviewed in Charles
The End Of Nowhere; American Policy Toward Laos
Since 1954 , 1972, p. 154.
 Richard Reeves,
President Kennedy: Profile of Power, Simon
& Schuster, 1994, p. 222.
Pentagon Proposed Pretexts for Cuba Invasion in 1962,
FOIA documents at National Security Archive.
 Pierre Salinger,
Memoir, St. Martin’s Press, 1995, p. 253.
 John Kenneth Galbraith,
in Our Times, Houghton Mifflin, 1981, p.
American University Commencement Address,
President Kennedy, June 10, 1963.
President Kennedy Radio and TV Address to the
American People on the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty,
July 26, 1963.
Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the
Atmosphere, in Outer Space, and Under Water,
signed at Moscow August 5, 1963, entered into force
October 10, 1963.
 See James K. Galbraith, “Exit
Strategy,” Boston Review, Sept 1, 2003
 Pierre Salinger,
With Kennedy, Doubleday & Co., 1966,
 See Norman Cousins,
The Improbable Triumvirate: John F. Kennedy,
Pope John, Nikita Khrushchev – An Asterisk
to the History of a Hopeful Year, 1962-1963,
W.W. Norton & Co., 1972.
 Jean Daniel, “Unofficial
Envoy – An Historic Report from Two Capitals,”
The New Republic, December 14, 1963.
 Kenneth P. O’Donnell and David F. Powers,
“Johnny, We Hardly Knew Ye;” Memories of John
Fitzgerald Kennedy, Little Brown, 1972,
Operation Mockingbird, the only FOIA-released-by-CIA
documents at The Black Vault. Carl Bernstein, “THE
CIA AND THE MEDIA – How Americas Most Powerful News
Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central
Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee
Covered It Up.” Rolling Stone, October
 James F. Tracy, “The
CIA and the Media: 50 Facts the World Needs to Know,”
Global Research/ratical.org, 2018.
 Frances Stonor Saunders,
The Cultural Cold War: The CIA And The World Of
Arts And Letters, New Press. 1999. See
Also: James Petras, “The
CIA and the Cultural Cold War Revisited,”
Monthly Review, November 1999.
 See Vincent J. Salandria, “The
Warren Report?“ Liberation, March 1965.
Zapruder Film in slow motion.
 Gerald D. McKnight,
of Trust: How the Warren Commission Failed the
Nation and Why, Univ. Of Kansas Press,
review by Jim DiEugenio.
op. cit., p. 46.
James and Elsie Wilcott: CIA Profile in Courage,
excerpt from JFK and the Unspeakable, pp.
op. cit., p. 47-48.
Oswald’s Doubles: How Multiple Lookalikes Were Used
to Craft One Lone Scapegoat, excerpt from
JFK and the Unspeakable, pp. 286-303, 350-355,
op. cit., p. 81.
 Vincent Salandria,
The JFK Assassination: A False Mystery Concealing
State Crimes, presentation at the Coalition on
Political Assassinations, November 20, 1998.
 Dallas Deputy Sheriff Roger Dean Craig,
When They Kill A President, 1971.
op. cit., pp. 270-277 and
endnote 75 of James Douglass’
2009 COPA Keynote Address. Secret Service Final
Survey Report for the November 21, 1963, visit by
President Kennedy to Houston, cited in
Appendix to Hearings before the HSCA, vol.
op. cit., pp.
NSAM 263 (document 194), Foreign Relations
of the United States, Vietnam v. IV, Aug-Dec’63.
 Theodore White,
The Making of the President, 1964,
p. 33. See also, ,
Begin Anew: An Oral History of the Kennedy
Presidency, Gerald S. Strober,
Debra Strober, Perennial, 1993, pp.
False Mystery, Essays on
the JFK Assassination by Vincent Salandria,
rat haus reality press, 2017
Bundy Continued to Shape Hawkish Policies, in
Vincent J. Salandria, “The
Assassination of President John F. Kennedy: A Model
of Explanation,” Computers and Automation,
December 1971, pp. 32-40.
 David T. Ratcliffe,
Understanding Special Operations: 1989 Interview
with L. Fletcher Prouty, rat haus
reality press, 1999,
President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records
Collection at The National Archives.
 James Douglass, “The
Assassinations of Martin Luther King and John F.
Kennedy in the Light of the Fourth Gospel,”
Sewanee Theological Review, 1998
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