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.  Self
Censorship In The US- Not Unlike The Soviet Version
January 30, 2003
By Andre Vltchek
An attack against Iraq seems to be inevitable. No matter what Iraq does,
no matter what the UN arms inspectors say or find (or don't find), the US
administration is apparently determined to invade. Once again it will
'level the ground' (or blow it sky high) of yet another poor and basically
defenceless nation in the name of 'civilized values' such as freedom and
democracy.
While Bush, members of his administration and his advisors (most of them
hardly a bunch of an olive branch carrying peacemakers) speak about peace
and freedom, "our values" and "civilization", they
are, in reality, simply carrying the long and brutal traditions of Western
expansionism to an extreme.
The administration is tampering with the language on a daily basis. Words
that, for centuries, were sacred to millions of people all over the world
are suddenly turning into meaningless clichés, to the empty slogans of
the propaganda machine.
The government-spread propaganda is mostly primitive, sometimes even
comical. It almost begs to be ridiculed. However, both the US and European
mainstream media is exercising incredible restrain and self discipline,
ready to swallow almost everything that it is given by the policymakers
and top military brass on both sides of Atlantic. It is becoming a
well-groomed poodle, touchingly attached to its two masters, the big
business that owns it and governments that serve the interests of big
business. It has lost its ability to criticize, its sense of humour and
its sarcastic edge. And it is hardly a secret that the use of humour,
irony and sarcasm is one of the main fears of any manipulative
establishment.
Many of my honourable friends and colleagues in the United States (those
who are refusing to become blind and servile) are outraged and shocked. I
am outraged, too, but not shocked. To me, it all feels just too familiar:
I experienced a similar situation many years ago, as a child growing up in
what used to be known as the 'Soviet bloc'.
I grew up in the sixties and seventies in what was then the Czechoslovak
Socialist Republic, in a city at the Western extreme of the country, known
for its beer and heavy industry -- Pilsen.
Despite its proximity to the West (Pilsen is just fifty kilometres from
Bavaria as the crow flies), Western Bohemia, as well as other regions of
the country, had to absorb a continuous barrage of official propaganda
channelled through the state television, radio and censured newspapers and
magazines.
Today, nobody has any doubts that the state-controlled media in the former
Soviet bloc countries were bombarding millions of people with
simplifications, half-truths and outright lies.
Lies were printed and broadcast every day. The only (very positive)
difference from the present situation was that nobody seemed to pay much
attention. Nearly every night, I fell asleep to the sound of the news
bulletins broadcast by the BBC World Service (in English, since the Czech
language bulletins were sometimes jammed). Television sets in almost every
household were tuned to the West German ARD or ZDF, and teenagers were
rocking and rolling to the sound of the latest hits from Radio Luxemburg
or Bavaria3. Books by Sartre, Camus, Beckett and other influential Western
thinkers were available in libraries, although one had to search for them.
Cinemas and film clubs were showing most of the important world
productions with only one or two year delays.
If it was an intellectual hell, we were growing up in its first class
compartment!
Newspapers and magazines were boring and dull: most of us bought them just
for their crossword puzzles and the latest film and concert listings. It
was obvious that the journalists writing for them didn't believe a word
that they were writing -- it was just another job, another way to collect
a higher than average state salary, to get by, to survive. In those days,
published journalists had dubious reputations as some sort of intellectual
prostitutes. Those who wrote for the official press were mostly spineless
and mediocre men and women, lacking self-respect and professional honour.
There was no sarcasm, no irony, nor creative edge in what they did. They
wrote what was expected of them. Then they went home. Twice a month they
got paid. Many of them hit the bottle.
Later, being obsessed with one simple question: 'how did the censorship of
those years really work?', I spoke to several former journalists. I was
surprised to learn that there were no fat, sadistic censors standing
behind them - far from it!.
"To be honest with you, there were no censors in sight",
explained one former editor of an important daily in Prague. "We knew
what we had to write, what the party line was. We knew our limits when we
wanted to criticize something. Nobody had to bother to stand behind our
back. We censured ourselves."
In fact, journalists were expected to be critical of the system. They were
encouraged to bash low-level corruption and other minor negative elements
of the system. As long as they kept reminding their readers that the
system itself was superior, they were on the right track.
There were no gulags in Czechoslovakia in the sixties and seventies, no
concentration camps, no torture chambers. Those who crossed the line by
choosing honesty and professionalism were not kidnapped. Parents of
dissidents were not tortured before their eyes. There were no
extra-judicial executions (unlike in our colonies in, say, Central
America). Those who decided to tell the truth simply lost their jobs,
became unemployable or were forced to become manual workers or window
washers. Only a few of those who decided to stand against the system were
imprisoned. They included several dissidents, among them Vaclav Havel.
The system in Czechoslovakia functioned almost flawlessly. Extreme
violence was unnecessary. Fear of losing privileges did the trick. Almost
all journalists knew their duties: they knew what was expected from them.
Mostly they didn't have to be told what to think and what to write: they
knew it intuitively. They may have lacked integrity, but they weren't
stupid, after all. And they had families to feed and houses to furnish!
Does it sound familiar?
Some twenty years later, the situation is not so different in my adoptive
homeland -- the United States. If we decide to tell the truth, to write
about the lies and manipulation of our government, to challenge the very
essence of our system, we are not risking kidnapping, torture or
assassination. We will still be able to wake up in the morning in our own
bed, to drink a cup of coffee at the corner coffee shop, to take a walk.
But our lives may nevertheless change dramatically. Chances are that we
will encounter evasive answers from otherwise friendly editors of the
magazines that we were used to write for periodically, and the number of
work related emails will dramatically decrease. Soon, we will have to look
for another job. We will still be able to write for progressive
publications (one major difference from the situation in the former Soviet
bloc), but it will not bring in enough funds to pay for our rent in cities
like New York or Boston.
I understand why some of my colleagues decided to collaborate with the
Bush administration and his crusaders. I disagree with those who did, but
I understand nevertheless. Choices are hard to make. Many
"official" journalists and analysts (we can now call them this)
have families, their children have to go to colleges, and mortgages have
to be paid. It is more comfortable to suffer during the morning rush hour
in the leather seat of the brand new Saab, than to wait for the commuter
bus on the way to the end of the unemployment line.
The Czech system (or call it 'regime' if you prefer) was not particularly
rich, but it was able to offer some privileges to those who were seeking
them in exchange for loyalty and servility. Our system today is decisively
wealthier: it could and would happily buy us all if we were ready to put
ourselves on sale. And it is ready to supply us with so many succulent,
tasty carrots that we could easily munch on them for the rest of our
lives.
Our country is extremely rich (as are our allies in Europe and Asia). It
can offer limitless privileges and a high life to those who decide to play
according to the rules - rules that are lately becoming much stricter, by
the way. If we refuse to play the game, we will probably not be hit
brutally by the stick - the system will simply withhold the carrots.
For some of us, the price of collaboration is simply too high. We would
have to hold on to our sarcasm until we reached the door of our
neighbourhood bar. We would have to overlook the fate of millions,
probably billions of men, women and children who are suffering all over
the world as a consequence of our brutally-enforced interests. We would
have to call war 'a peace', aggression 'a defence', lies 'a truth'. We
would have to bend our own beliefs and learn how to avoid eye contact with
those who had chosen to remain true to their principles.
But if we decide to tell the truth the way we see it, we should do it
without feelings of superiority and self-congratulation. In many ways, in
our own ways, we are privileged, too. We are enjoying the true freedom
that comes with being 'outside the game'. We don't have to re-read our own
articles over and over again, nor being scared that our work could contain
some sentences displeasing to those whose interests we would be paid to
defend. After all, what can give greater joy to a writer than being able
to tell the truth to the best of his or her ability, to express his or her
own beliefs, to speak his or her own mind, to refuse to indulge in
humiliating self-censorship?
I don't think we should be too harsh on our colleagues in the US and
Europe who have decided to compromise themselves. Some are forced to do so
by circumstances. Some, like so many in former Czechoslovakia, do it in
order to provide for their families.
But neither should we forget the simple words of Czech poet Jaroslav
Seifert, laureate of the Nobel Price for Literature, a man of lyrical
verse, who once failed to contain his frustration and barked at the full
session of the Union of Czech writers: "The writer should be the
conscience of his own nation... If anyone else omits, or decides not to
pronounce the truth, it can be understood: it can be simply considered as
a tactical manoeuvre. If the writer withholds the truth, he is a
liar."
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