To Kill Iraq: The Reasons WhyA central US goal, as enunciated by the little Dr. Strangeloves who inhabit the upper echelons of policymaking in the Bush administration, is to perpetuate US global supremacy. The objective is not just power for its own sake but power to insure plutocratic control of the planet, power to privatize and deregulate the economies of every nation in the world. by
Michael Parenti Dissident Voice Bush
and other members of his administration have given varied and unpersuasive
reasons to justify the “war” -- actually a one-sided massacre --
against Iraq. They claim it is necessary to insure the safety and security
of the Middle East and of the United States itself, for Iraq is developing
weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear missiles. But UN inspection
teams have determined that Iraq has no such nuclear capability and
actually has been in compliance with yearly disarmament inspections.
As for the fact that Iraq once had factories that produced chemical
and bacteriological weapons, whose fault was that? It was the United
States that supplied such things to Saddam. This is one of several key
facts about past US-Iraq relations that the corporate media have
consistently suppressed. In any case, according to UN inspection reports,
Iraq’s C&B warfare capability has been dismantled.
Still the Bushites keep talking about Iraq’s dangerous
“potential”. As reported by the Associated Press (2 November 2002),
Undersecretary of State John Bolton claimed that “Iraq would be able to
develop a nuclear weapon within a year if it gets the right technology.”
If it gets the right technology? What does that say about anything?
The truistic nature of this assertion has gone unnoticed. Djibouti, Qatar,
and New Jersey would be able to develop nuclear weapons if they got “the
right technology.” Through September and October of 2002, the White
House made it clear that Iraq would be attacked if it had weapons of mass
destruction. Then in November 2002, Bush announced he would attack if
Saddam denied that he had weapons of mass destruction. So if the Iraqis
admit having such weapons, they will be bombed; and if they deny having
them, they still will be bombed--whether they have them or not.
The
Bushites also charged Iraq with allowing al Qaeda terrorists to operate
within its territory. But US intelligence sources themselves let it be
known that the Iraqi government was not connected to Islamic terrorist
organizations. In closed sessions with a House committee, when
administration officials were repeatedly asked whether they had
information of an imminent threat from Saddam against US citizens, they
stated unequivocally that they had no such evidence (San Francisco
Chronicle, 20 September 2002). Truth be told, the Bush family has closer
ties to the bin Laden family than does Saddam Hussein. No mention is made
of how US leaders themselves have allowed terrorists to train and operate
within our own territory, including a mass murderer like Orlando Bosch.
Convicted of blowing up a Cuban airliner, Bosch walks free in Miami.
Bush
and company seized upon yet another pretext for war: Saddam has committed
war crimes and acts of aggression, including the war against Iran and the
massacre of Kurds. But the Pentagon's own study found that the gassing of
Kurds at Halabja was committed by the Iranians, not the Iraqis (Times of
India, 18 September 2002). Another seldom mentioned fact: US leaders gave
Iraq encouragement and military support in its war against Iran. And if
war crimes and aggression are the issue, there are the US invasions of
Grenada and Panama to consider, and the US-sponsored wars of attrition
against civilian targets in Mozambique, Angola, Nicaragua, El Salvador,
Guatemala, Yugoslavia, and scores of other places, leaving hundreds of
thousands dead. There is no communist state or “rogue nation” that has
such a horrific record of military aggression against other countries over
the last two decades.
With
all the various pretexts for war ringing hollow, the Bushites resorted to
the final indictment: Saddam was a dictator. The United States stood for
democracy and human rights. It followed that US leaders were obliged to
use force and violence to effect regime change in Iraq. Again, we might
raise questions. There is no denying that Saddam is a dictator, but how
did he and his crew ever come to power? Saddam’s conservative wing of
the Ba’ath party was backed by the CIA. They were enlisted to destroy
the Iraqi popular revolution and slaughter every democratic,
left-progressive individual
they could get hold of, which indeed they did, including the progressive
wing of the Ba’ath party itself---another fact that US media have let
slide down the memory hole. Saddam was Washington’s poster boy until the
end of the Cold War. So
why has George II, like his daddy, targeted Iraq? When individuals keep
providing new and different explanations to justify a particular action,
they most likely are lying. So with political leaders and policymakers.
Having seen that the pretexts given by the White House to justify war are
palpably false, some people conclude that the administration is befuddled
or even “crazy”. But just
because they are trying to mislead and confuse the public does not
perforce mean they themselves are misled and confused. Rather it might be
that they have reasons which they prefer not to see publicized and
debated, for then it would become evident that US policies of the kind
leveled against Iraq advance the interests of the rich and powerful at
much cost to the American people and every other people on the face of the
earth. Here I offer what I believe are the real reasons for the US
aggression against Iraq. Global Politico-Economic Supremacy A
central US goal, as enunciated by the little Dr. Strangeloves who inhabit
the upper echelons of policymaking in the Bush administration, is to
perpetuate US global supremacy. The objective is not just power for its
own sake but power to insure plutocratic control of the planet, power to
privatize and deregulate the economies of every nation in the world, to
hoist upon the backs of peoples everywhere—including the people of North
America --- the blessings of an untrammeled “free market” corporate
capitalism. The struggle is
between those who believe that the land, labor, capital, technology, and
markets of the world should be dedicated to maximizing capital
accumulation for the few, and those who believe that these things should
be used for the communal benefit and socio-economic development of the
many. The
goal is to insure not merely the supremacy of global capitalism as such,
but the supremacy of US global capitalism by preventing the emergence of
any other potentially competing superpower or, for that matter, any
potentially competing regional power. Iraq is a case in point. Some
nations in the Middle East have oil but no water; others have water but no
oil. Iraq is the only one with plenty of both, along with a good
agricultural base—although its fertile lands are now much contaminated
by the depleted uranium dropped upon it during the 1991 Gulf War bombings. In
earlier times, Iraq’s oil was completely owned by US, British, and other
Western companies. In 1958 there was a popular revolution in Iraq. Ten
years later, the rightwing of the Ba’ath party took power, with Saddam
Hussein serving as point man for the CIA. His assignment was to undo the
bourgeois-democratic revolution, as I have already noted. But instead of
acting as a compradore collaborator to Western investors in the style of
Nicaragua’s Somoza, Chile’s Pinochet, Peru’s Fujimora, and numerous
others, Saddam and his cohorts nationalized the Iraqi oil industry in
1972, ejected the Western profiteers, and pursued policies of public
development and economic nationalism. By 1990, Iraq had the highest
standard of living in the Middle East (which may not be saying all that
much), and it was evident that the US had failed to rollback the gains of
the 1958 revolution. But the awful destruction delivered upon Iraq both by
the Gulf War and the subsequent decade of economic sanctions did achieve a
kind of counterrevolutionary rollback from afar. Soon
after the collapse of the Soviet Union, US leaders decided that Third
World development no longer needed to be tolerated. Just as Yugoslavia
served as a “bad” example in Europe, so Iraq served as a bad example
to other nations in the Middle East. The last thing the plutocrats in
Washington want in that region is independent, self-defining developing
nations that wish to control their own land, labor, and natural
resources.US economic and military power has been repeatedly used to
suppress competing systems. Self-defining countries like Cuba, Iraq, and
Yugoslavia are targeted. Consider Yugoslavia. It showed no desire to
become part of the European Union and absolutely no interest in joining
NATO. It had an economy that was relatively prosperous, with some 80
percent of it still publicly owned. The wars of secession and attrition
waged against Yugoslavia---all in the name of human rights and
democracy---destroyed that country’s economic infrastructure and
fractured it into a cluster of poor, powerless, right-wing mini-republics,
whose economies are being privatized, deregulated, and opened to Western
corporate penetration on terms that are completely favorable to the
investors. We see this happening most recently in Serbia. Everything is
being privatized at garage sale prices. Human service, jobs, and pension
funds are disappearing. Unemployment, inflation, and poverty are
skyrocketing, as is crime, homelessness, prostitution, and suicide.
Welcome to Serbia’s free market paradise. Judging
from what has been happening in Serbia, Bosnia, Macedonia, Panama,
Grenada, and elsewhere---we can anticipate that the same thing is in store
for Iraq following a US occupation: An Iraqi puppet government will be put
in place, headed by someone every bit as subservient to the White House as
Tony Blair. The Iraqi state-owned media will become “free and
independent” by being handed over to rich conservative private
corporations. Anything even remotely critical of US foreign policy and
free market capitalism will be deprived of an effective platform.
Conservative political parties, heavily financed by US sources, will
outspend any leftist groupings that might have survived. On this steeply
unleveled playing field, US advisors will conduct US-style “democratic
elections,” perhaps replicating the admirable results produced in
Florida and elsewhere. Just about everything in the Iraqi economy will be
privatized at giveaway prices. Poverty and underemployment, already high,
will climb precipitously. So will the Iraqi national debt, as
international loans are floated that “help” the Iraqis pay for their
own victimization. Public services will dwindle to nothing, and Iraq will
suffer even more misery than it does today. We are being asked to believe
that the Iraqi people are willing to endure another massive bombing
campaign in order to reach this free-market paradise. Natural Resource Grab Another
reason for targeting Iraq can be summed up in one word: oil. Along with
maintaining the overall global system of expropriation, US leaders are
interested in more immediate old-time colonial plunder. The present White
House leadership is composed of oil men who are both sorely tempted and
threatened by Iraq’s oil reserve, one of the largest in the world. With
113 billion barrels at $25 a barrel, Iraq’s supply comes to over $2.8
trillion dollars. But not a drop of it belongs to the US oil cartel; it is
all state owned. Baghdad has offered exploratory concessions to France,
China, Russia, Brazil, Italy, and Malaysia. But with a US takeover of Iraq
and a new puppet regime in place, all these agreements may be subject to
cancellation. We may soon witness the biggest oil grab in the history of
Third World colonialism by
US oil companies aided and abetted by the US government. One thing that US
leaders have been interested in doing with Iraqi oil---given the glut and
slumping price of crude in recent years---is keep it off the market for
awhile longer. As the London Financial Times (24 February 1998) reported,
oil prices fell sharply because of the agreement between the United
Nations and Iraq that would allow Baghdad to sell oil on the world market.
The agreement “could lead to much larger volumes of Iraqi crude oil
competing for market shares.” The San Francisco Chronicle (22 February
1998) headlined its story “IRAQ’S OIL POSES THREAT TO THE WEST.” In
fact, Iraqi crude poses no threat to “the West” only to Western oil
investors. If Iraq were able to reenter the international oil market, the
Chronicle reported, “it would devalue British North Sea oil, undermine
American oil production and---much more important---it would destroy the
huge profits which the United States [read, US oil companies] stands to
gain from its massive investment in Caucasian oil production, especially
in Azerbajian.” We might conclude that direct control and ownership of
Iraqi oil is the surest way to keep it off the world market and the surest
way to profit from its future sale when the price is right.
Domestic Political Gains
War
and violence have been good to George W. Bush. As of September 10, 2001,
his approval ratings were sagging woefully. Then came the attacks on the
World Trade Center and the Pentagon, swiftly followed by the newly
trumpeted war against terrorism and the massive bombing and invasion of
Afghanistan. Bush’s approval ratings skyrocketed. But soon came the
corporate scandals of 2002: Enron, WorldCom, and even more perilously
Harken and Halliburton. By July, both the president and vice-president
were implicated in fraudulent corporate accounting practices, making false
claims of profit to pump up stock values, followed by heavy insider
selling just before the stock was revealed to be nearly worthless and
collapsed in price. By September, the impending war against Iraq blew this
whole issue off the front pages and out of the evening news. Daddy Bush
did the same thing in 1990, sending the savings and loan scandal into
media limbo by waging war against that very same country.
By
October 2002, the Republican party, reeling from the scandals and pegged
as the party of corporate favoritism and corruption, reemerged as the
party of patriotism, national defense, and strong military leadership to
win control of both houses of Congress, winning elections it should never
have won. Many Americans rallied around the flag, draped as it was around
the president. Some of our compatriots, who are cynical and suspicious
about politicians in everyday affairs, display an almost child-like
unlimited trust and knee-jerk faith when these same politicians trumpet a
need to defend our national security against some alien threat, real or
imagined. War also distracts the people from their economic problems, the
need for decent housing, schools, and jobs, and a recession that shows no
sign of easing. Since George II took office, the stock market has dropped
34 percent, unemployment has climbed 35 percent, the federal surplus of
$281 billion is now a deficit of $157 billion, and an additional 1.5
million people are without health insurance, bringing the total to 41
million. War has been good for the conservative agenda in general,
providing record military spending, greater profits for the defense
industry, and a deficit spending spree that further enriches the creditor
class at the taxpayer’s expense, and is used to justify more cuts in
domestic human services. Liberal intellectuals are never happier than when, with patronizing smiles, they can dilate on the stupidity of George Bush. What I have tried to show is that Bush is neither retarded nor misdirected. Given his class perspective and interests, there are compelling reasons to commit armed aggression against Iraq---and against other countries to come. It is time we dwelled less upon his malapropisms and more on his rather effective deceptions and relentless viciousness. Many decent crusaders have been defeated because of their inability to fully comprehend the utter depravity of their enemies. The more we know what we are up against, the better we can fight it. Michael
Parenti
is a noted author and political commentator.
Among his widely read books are The Terrorism Trap, Democracy
For the Few, History as Mystery, and Against Empire. His
forthcoming book, The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A People's
History of Ancient Rome, will be published in the spring by New Press.
For more information, visit his web site, www.michaelparenti.org. Join our Daily News Headlines Email Digest
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