Their Barbarism, and Ours
By Norman Solomon
06/22/06 "Commondreams"
-- --
The Baghdad bureau chief of the New York Times could not have
been any clearer.
"The story really takes us back into the 8th century, a truly
barbaric world," John Burns said. He was speaking Tuesday night
on the PBS "NewsHour With Jim Lehrer," describing what happened
to two U.S. soldiers whose bodies had just been found. Evidently
they were victims of atrocities, and no one should doubt in the
slightest that the words of horror used by Burns to describe the
"barbaric murders" were totally appropriate.
The problem is that Burns and his mass-media colleagues don't
talk that way when the cruelties are inflicted by the U.S.
military -- as if dropping bombs on civilians from thousands of
feet in the air is a civilized way to terrorize and kill.
When journalists maintain a flagrant double standard in their
language -- allowing themselves appropriate moral outrage when
Americans suffer but tiptoeing around what is suffered by
victims of the U.S. military -- the media window on the world is
tinted a dark red-white-and-blue, and the overall result is more
flackery than journalism.
Based on the available evidence from Abu Ghraib to Afghanistan
to Guantanamo, anyone who claims that U.S. foreign policy does
not include torture is disingenuous or deluded.
Reporters for the New York Times and other big U.S. media
outlets would not dream of publicly describing what American
firepower does to Iraqi civilians as "barbaric."
An eyewitness account from American author Rahul Mahajan, during
the U.S. attack on Fallujah in April 2004, said: "During the
course of roughly four hours at a small clinic in Fallujah, I
saw perhaps a dozen wounded brought in. Among them was a young
woman, 18 years old, shot in the head. She was having a seizure
and foaming at the mouth when they brought her in; doctors did
not expect her to survive the night. Another likely terminal
case was a young boy with massive internal bleeding."
Hundreds of civilians died in that attack on Fallujah, and many
more lost their lives when U.S. troops attacked the city again
seven months later. Since then, the U.S. air war has escalated
in Iraq, often putting urban neighborhoods in the cross hairs.
Days ago, in mid-June, independent U.S. journalist Dahr Jamail
tells us, "a hospital source in Fallujah reported that eight
Iraqis, some of whom were women and children from the same
family, were killed and six wounded when U.S. warplanes bombed a
home in the northeastern Ibrahim Bin Ali district of the city."
We hear that of course the U.S. tries to avoid killing civilians
-- as if that makes killing them okay. But the slaughter from
the air and from other U.S. military actions is a certain result
of the occupiers' war. (What would we say if, in our own
community, the police force killed shoppers every day by
spraying blocks of stores with machine-gun fire -- while
explaining that the action was justifiable because no innocents
were targeted and their deaths were an unfortunate necessity in
the war on crime?)
Meanwhile, routinely absent from the U.S. media's war coverage
is the context: an invasion and occupation fundamentally based
on deception.
"The Bush strategy for victory is about to begin," author Beau
Grosscup said Tuesday. "U.S. and Iraqi forces have surrounded
the city of Ramadi. Food and water have been cut off. Next is
the 'Shock and Awe' strategic bombing of the city, to be
followed by 'mop-up' operations: ground troops, snipers and
aerial 'support.'"
Grosscup, a professor of international relations at California
State University in Chico, added: "It is the hallowed 'Fallujah'
model, intended to bring 'stability' by flattening the city with
civilian death and destruction. It is a 'clean' way to victory,
one supported by Rep. Jack Murtha, who would withdraw U.S.
troops from Iraq but continue to engage the 'enemy' from far
away and from 15,000 to 30,000 feet above with air power. By
October 2004, this 'clean war' had killed close to 100,000 Iraqi
civilians and thousands more since. But, as any enthusiast of
strategic bombing would say, it is the price of victory and
somebody has to make the ultimate sacrifice. Terror from the
skies, anyone?"
Without maintaining a single and consistent moral standard in
their work, journalists -- no matter how brave, skilled or
hardworking -- end up prostituting their talents in the service
of a war machine.
Norman Solomon is executive director of the Institute for Public
Accuracy and the author of "War Made Easy: How Presidents and
Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death." E-mail to:
mediabeat@igc.org.
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