Patriotism & The Fourth of July
By Howard Zinn
07/04/06 "zmag" -- -- In celebration of the 4th of July there will
be many speeches about the young people who “died for their
country.” Let's be honest about war. Those who gave their lives did
not die for their country, as they were led to believe but for their
government. The distinction between country and government is at the
heart of the Declaration of Independence, which will be referred to
again and again on July 4, but without attention to its meaning.
According to the Declaration of Independence—the fundamental
document of democracy—governments are artificial creations,
established by the people, “deriving their just powers from the
consent of the governed,” and charged by the people to ensure the
equal right of all to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”
Furthermore, as the Declaration says, “whenever any form of
government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the
people to alter or abolish it.”
It is the country that is primary—the people, the ideals of the
sanctity of human life and the promotion of liberty. When a
government recklessly expends the lives of its young for crass
motives of profit and power, always claiming that its motives are
pure and moral (“Operation Just Cause” was the invasion of Panama
and “Operation Iraqi Freedom” in the present instance), it is
violating its promise to the country. War is almost always a
breaking of that promise. It does not enable the pursuit of
happiness but brings despair and grief.
Mark Twain, having been called a “traitor” for criticizing the U.S.
invasion of the Philippines, derided what he called “monarchical
patriotism.” He said: “The gospel of the monarchical patriotism is:
‘The King can do no wrong.’ We have adopted it with all its
servility, with an unimportant change in the wording: ‘Our country,
right or wrong!’ We have thrown away the most valuable asset we
had—the individual’s right to oppose both flag and country when he
believed them to be in the wrong. We have thrown it away; and with
it, all that was really respectable about that grotesque and
laughable word, Patriotism.”
If patriotism in the best sense (not in the monarchical sense) is
loyalty to the principles of democracy, then who was the true
patriot, Theodore Roosevelt, who applauded a massacre by American
soldiers of 600 Filipino men, women, and children on a remote
Philippine island, or Mark Twain, who denounced it?
Today, U.S. soldiers are dying in Iraq and Afghanistan are not dying
for their country, they are dying for their government. They are
dying for Bush and Cheney and Rumsfeld. And yes, they are dying for
the greed of the oil cartels, for the expansion of the American
empire, for the political ambitions of the President. They are dying
to cover up the theft of the nation’s wealth to pay for the machines
of death. As of July 4, 2006, more than 2,500 US soldiers have been
killed in Iraq, more than 8,500 maimed or injured.
With the war in Iraq long delcared a “Mission Accomplished,” shall
we revel in American military power and—against the history of
modern empires—insist that the American empire will be beneficent?
Our own history shows something different. It begins with what was
called, in our high school history classes, “westward expansion”—a
euphemism for the annihilation or expulsion of the Indian tribes
inhabiting the continent, all in the name of “progress” and
“civilization.” It continues with the expansion of American power
into the Caribbean at the turn of the century, then into the
Philippines, and then repeated Marine invasions of Central America
and long military occupations of Haiti and the Dominican Republic.
After World War II, Henry Luce, owner of Time, LIFE, and Fortune,
spoke of “the American Century,” in which this country would
organize the world “as we see fit.” Indeed, the expansion of
American power continued, too often supporting military
dictatorships in Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East,
because they were friendly to American corporations and the American
government.
The record does not justify confidence in Bush’s boast that the
United States will bring democracy to Iraq. Should Americans welcome
the expansion of the nation’s power, with the anger this has
generated among so many people in the world? Should we welcome the
huge growth of the military budget at the expense of health,
education, the needs of children, one fifth of whom grow up in
poverty?
Instead of being feared for our military prowess, we should want to
be respected for our dedication to human rights. I suggest that a
patriotic American who cares for her or his country might act on
behalf of a different vision.
Should we not begin to redefine patriotism? We need to expand it
beyond that narrow nationalism that has caused so much death and
suffering. If national boundaries should not be obstacles to
trade—some call it “globalization”—should they also not be obstacles
to compassion and generosity?
Should we not begin to consider all children, everywhere, as our
own? In that case, war, which in our time is always an assault on
children, would be unacceptable as a solution to the problems of the
world. Human ingenuity would have to search for other ways.
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