Empire, and resistance to it, is the central issue of our time
From Iraq and Lebanon to Afghanistan, the Anglo-American attempt to
remake the world by force is failing
By Andrew Murray
08/26/06 "The
Guardian" -- -- 'How goes the empire?" Perhaps Tony
Blair will be tempted to repeat King George V's dying words as he
prepares to shuffle off his own political coil. It is a measure of
the extent to which the prime minister's foreign policy has restored
imperialism to the political vocabulary of the country that, when
his legacy is debated, the state of empire will be the main issue.
The answer is that it goes pretty badly. The new imperialism which
will for ever be linked to the names Bush and Blair has taken just
five years to hit the buffers of popular opposition and moral
ignominy. Imperialism has moved from the realm of political jargon
to be the central issue of our time - and is seen as such everywhere
beyond the ramparts of the neoconservative-New Labour alliance.
In Iraq, the great testing ground for "liberal interventionism", the
pitch of resistance to the armies of occupation, along with the
failure of a parade of hand-picked premiers to deliver even a facade
of stability, is, according to the New York Times, leading George
Bush to consider abandoning his "democratic" experiment in favour
of, presumably, a dictatorship.
In Afghanistan, to which British troops were rushed nearly five
years after regime change was imposed, the Karzai government is
floundering in epic levels of corruption. It has reinstated the
power of opium-funded warlords, the suppression of whom was perhaps
the Taliban's only popular achievement. The consequence has been a
conflict of a ferocity that the British army has not seen since the
Korean war, according to Lieutenant-General David Richards, the
commander on the spot.
And despite Blair's determined green light to Israel's attack on
Lebanon, the "long, strong arm of the US" in the region - as the
Israeli commentator Sima Kadmon describes his country - has had to
retreat with its objectives unmet. No one seems to be rushing to
pick up the white man's burden there either.
British troops are now back "east of Suez" with a vengeance.
According to the foreign-policy establishment thinktank Chatham
House, the big winner from five years of them rampaging around the
region is Iran. Presumably that was not the plan. Even in the
Balkans, the occupations of Bosnia and Kosovo fester, with the
underlying conflicts in no way resolved.
The Blair years have been a study in the failures of the Anglo-Saxon
powers' capacity to remake the world in their own interests by
force. Even the prime minister seemed to acknowledge that wearily in
California earlier this month. Of course, the policy has had its
friends. The rightwing historian - and proponent of a genetics of
racism - Niall Ferguson has taken the case for empires back on to
the television, while the chancellor of the exchequer has insisted
it is time Britain stopped apologising for empire. As the South
African president, Thabo Mbeki, pointed out in response: if only we
had ever started doing so.
But the opponents of imperialism are by far the more numerous.
Nearly two-thirds of the public believe British foreign policy is
too subservient to the US and that the foreign occupations are a
failure. The strength of the anti-war movement over the past five
years, drawing fresh support during the Lebanon war, testifies that
this sentiment goes much further than opinion polls.
Against this renewed left, there has coagulated a coalition of the
brazen conservatives in Washington and their transatlantic admirers,
including the two parliamentary frontbenches and a
pseudo-social-democratic "new right" addicted to the spread of its
values at the point of the imperial bayonet. They have set aside the
left's traditional support for international law and the UN in
favour of backing Bush's endless war.
We can now see where making "anti-anti-imperialism" your touchstone
leads. The pro-war bloggers and lecturers who produced the Euston
manifesto earlier this year have recently been reduced to providing
a platform for Blairite ministers to promote privatisation, just as
their stateside superhero Christopher Hitchens backed George Bush's
re-election in 2004. They have resuscitated the gloomy traditions of
the Fabian Colonial Bureau, whose doyenne Rita Hinden patronised
Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, when he came to London to rally support for
his country's freedom, with the thought that "British socialists are
not so concerned with ideals like independence and self-government".
But it is the tradition of the socialist pioneer William Morris
which has come to dominate the left. Morris's support for the
Mahdi's rebellion in the Sudan, on the grounds that he at least
restored his country to its own people, is detailed in John
Newsinger's new history of Britain's empire, The Blood Never Dried.
Empire is of course no longer something that simply happens "over
there". Its fault lines run through every British community, with
the wars in the Middle East and south Asia now accompanied by a
campaign against the new "enemy within", the Muslim peoples of
Britain.
One consequence of this has been a serious political engagement by
the left with the Muslim communities, united in opposition to war
and support of civil liberties. This is also a worldwide alliance.
Seven Lebanese Communist fighters died resisting Israel's attack
alongside Hizbullah, which has also had the support of the leaders
of the Latin American left.
Fifty years on, the alliance of unequals forged between the US and
Britain in the aftermath of Suez is once again unravelling in the
Middle East.
Andrew Murray is chair of the Stop the War Coalition - apdmurray@hotmail.com
© Guardian Newspapers Limited 2006
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