Putting Words in
Ahmadinejad's Mouth
Is Iran's President
Really a Jew-hating, Holocaust-denying Islamo-fascist who has
threatened to "wipe Israel off the map"?
By Virginia Tilley
08/28/06 "Counterpunch"
-- -- Johannesburg, South Africa -- In this frightening mess in the
Middle East, let's get one thing straight. Iran is not
threatening Israel with destruction. Iran's president has not
threatened any action against Israel. Over and over, we hear
that Iran is clearly "committed to annihilating Israel" because
the "mad" or "reckless" or "hard-line" President Ahmadinejad has
repeatedly threatened to destroy Israel But every supposed
quote, every supposed instance of his doing so, is wrong.
The most infamous quote, "Israel
must be wiped off the map", is the most glaringly wrong. In his
October 2005 speech, Mr. Ahmadinejad never used the word "map"
or the term "wiped off". According to Farsi-language experts
like Juan Cole and even right-wing services like MEMRI, what he
actually said was "this regime that is occupying Jerusalem must
vanish from the page of time."
What did he mean? In this speech
to an annual anti-Zionist conference, Mr. Ahmadinejad was being
prophetic, not threatening. He was citing Imam Khomeini, who
said this line in the 1980s (a period when Israel was actually
selling arms to Iran, so apparently it was not viewed as so
ghastly then). Mr. Ahmadinejad had just reminded his audience
that the Shah's regime, the Soviet Union, and Saddam Hussein had
all seemed enormously powerful and immovable, yet the first two
had vanished almost beyond recall and the third now languished
in prison. So, too, the "occupying regime" in Jerusalem would
someday be gone. His message was, in essence, "This too shall
pass."
But what about his other
"threats" against Israel? The blathersphere made great hay from
his supposed comment later in the same speech, "There is no
doubt: the new wave of assaults in Palestine will erase the
stigma in [the] countenance of the Islamic world." "Stigma" was
interpreted as "Israel" and "wave of assaults" was ominous. But
what he actually said was, "I have no doubt that the new
movement taking place in our dear Palestine is a wave of
morality which is spanning the entire
Islamic
world and which will soon remove this stain of disgrace from the
Islamic world." "Wave of morality" is not "wave of assaults."
The preceding sentence had made clear that the "stain of
disgrace" was the Muslim world's failure to eliminate the
"occupying regime".
For months, scholars like Cole
and journalists like the London Guardian's Jonathan Steele have
been pointing out these mistranslations while more and more
appear: for example, Mr. Ahmadinejad's comments at the
Organization of Islamic Countries meeting on August 3, 2006.
Radio Free Europe reported that he said "that the 'main cure'
for crisis in the Middle East is the elimination of Israel."
"Elimination of Israel" implies physical destruction: bombs,
strafing, terror, throwing Jews into the sea. Tony Blair
denounced the translated statement as ""quite shocking". But Mr.
Ahmadinejad never said this. According to al-Jazeera,
what he actually said was "The real cure for the conflict is the
elimination of the Zionist regime, but there should be an
immediate ceasefire first."
Nefarious agendas are evident in
consistently translating "eliminating the occupation regime" as
"destruction of Israel". "Regime" refers to governance, not
populations or cities. "Zionist regime" is the government of
Israel and its system of laws, which have annexed Palestinian
land and hold millions of Palestinians under military
occupation. Many mainstream human rights activists believe that
Israel's "regime" must indeed be transformed, although they
disagree how. Some hope that Israel can be redeemed by a change
of philosophy and government (regime) that would allow a
two-state solution. Others believe that Jewish statehood itself
is inherently unjust, as it embeds racist principles into state
governance, and call for its transformation into a secular
democracy (change of regime). None of these ideas about regime
change signifies the expulsion of Jews into the sea or the
ravaging of their towns and cities. All signify profound
political change, necessary to creating a just peace.
Mr. Ahmadinejad made other
statements at the Organization of Islamic Countries that clearly
indicated his understanding that Israel must be treated within
the framework of international law. For instance, he recognized
the reality of present borders when he said that "any aggressor
should go back to the Lebanese international border". He
recognized the authority of Israel and the role of diplomacy in
observing, "The circumstances should be prepared for the return
of the refugees and displaced people, and prisoners should be
exchanged." He also called for a boycott: "We also propose that
the Islamic nations immediately cut all their overt and covert
political and economic relations with the Zionist regime." A
double bushel of major Jewish peace groups, US church groups,
and hordes of human rights organizations have said the same
things.
A final word is due about Mr.
Ahmadinejad's "Holocaust denial". Holocaust denial is a very
sensitive issue in the West, where it notoriously serves
anti-Semitism. Elsewhere in the world, however, fogginess about
the Holocaust traces more to a sheer lack of information. One
might think there is plenty of information about the Holocaust
worldwide, but this is a mistake. (Lest we be snooty, Americans
show the same startling insularity from general knowledge when,
for example, they live to late adulthood still not grasping that
US forces killed at least two million Vietnamese and believing
that anyone who says so is anti-American. Most French people
have not yet accepted that their army slaughtered a million
Arabs in Algeria.)
Skepticism about the Holocaust
narrative has started to take hold in the Middle East not
because people hate Jews but because that narrative is deployed
to argue that Israel has a right to "defend itself" by attacking
every country in its vicinity. Middle East publics are so used
to western canards legitimizing colonial or imperial takeovers
that some wonder if the six-million-dead argument is just
another myth or exaggerated tale. It is dismal that Mr.
Ahmadinejad seems to belong to this ill-educated sector, but he
has never been known for his higher education.
Still, Mr. Ahmadinejad did not
say what the US Subcommittee on Intelligence Policy reported
that he said: "They have invented a myth that Jews were
massacred and place this above God, religions and the prophets."
He actually said, "In the name of the Holocaust they have
created a myth and regard it to be worthier than God, religion
and the prophets." This language targets the myth of the
Holocaust, not the Holocaust itself - i.e., "myth" as
"mystique", or what has been done with the Holocaust. Other
writers, including important Jewish theologians, have criticized
the "cult" or "ghost" of the Holocaust without denying that it
happened. In any case, Mr. Ahmadinejad's main message has been
that, if the Holocaust happened as Europe says it did, then
Europe, and not the Muslim world, is responsible for it.
Why is Mr. Ahmadinejad being so
systematically misquoted and demonized? Need we ask? If the
world believes that Iran is preparing to attack Israel, then the
US or Israel can claim justification in attacking Iran first. On
that agenda, the disinformation campaign about Mr. Ahmadinejad's
statements has been bonded at the hip to a second set of lies:
promoting Iran's (nonexistent) nuclear weapon programme.
The current fuss about Iran's
nuclear enrichment program is playing out so identically to US
canards about Iraq's WMD that we must wonder why it is not
meeting only roaring international derision. With multiple
agendas regarding Iran -- oil, US hegemony, Israel, neocon
fantasies of a "new Middle East" -- the Bush administration has
raised a great international scare about Iran's nuclear
enrichment program. (See Ray Close, Why Bush Will Choose War
Against Iran.) But, plowing through Iran's facilities and
records, International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors have
found no evidence of a weapons program. The US intelligence
community hasn't found anything, either.
All experts concur that, even if
Iran has such a program, it is five to ten years away from
having the enriched uranium necessary for an actual weapon, so
pre-emptive military action now is hardly necessary. Even the
recent report by the Republican-dominated Subcommittee on
Intelligence Policy, which pointed out that the US government
lacks the intelligence on Iran's weapons program necessary to
thwart it, effectively confirms that the supposed "intelligence"
is patchy and inadequate.
The Bush administration's casual
neglect of North Korea's nuclear program indicates that nuclear
weapons are not, in fact, the issue here. The neocons are intent
on changing the regime in Iran and so have deployed their
propagandists to promote the "nuclear weapons" scare just they
promoted the Iraqi WMD scare. Republican rhetoric and right-wing
news commentators have fallen into line, obediently repeating
baseless assertions that Iran has a "nuclear weapons program,"
is threatening the world and especially Israel with its "nuclear
weapons program," and must not be allowed to complete its
"nuclear weapons program." Those who nervously point out that
hard evidence is actually lacking about any Iranian "nuclear
weapons program" are derided as naïve and spineless patsies.
Worse, the Bush administration
has brought this snow-job to the UN, wrangling the Security
Council into passing a resolution (SC 1696) demanding that Iran
cease nuclear enrichment by August 31 and warning of sanctions
if it doesn't. Combined with its abysmal performance regarding
Israel's assault on Lebanon, the Security Council has crumbled
into humiliating obsequious incompetence on this one.
Like all phantasms, the
nuclear-weapons charge is hard to defeat because it cannot be
entirely disproved. Maybe some Iranian scientists, in some
remote underground facility, are working on nuclear weapons
technology. Maybe feelers to North Korea have explored the
possibilities of getting extra components. Maybe an alien
spaceship once crashed in the Nevada desert. Normally, just
because something can't be disproved does not make it true. But
in the neocon world, possibilities are realities, and a craven
press is there to click its heels and trumpet the scaremongering
headlines. It doesn't take much, through endless repetition of
the term "possible nuclear weapons program," for the word
"possible" to drop quietly away.
Evidence is, in any case, a mere
detail to the Bush administration, for which the desire
for nuclear weapons is sufficient cause for a pre-emptive
attack. In US debates prior to invading Iraq, people sometimes
insisted that any real evidence of WMD was sorely lacking. The
White House would then insist that, because Saddam Hussein
"wanted" such weapons, he was likely to have them sometime in
the future. Hence thought crimes, even imaginary thought crimes,
are now punishable by military invasion.
Will the US really attack Iran?
US generals are rightly alarmed that bombing Iran's nuclear
facilities would unleash unprecedented attacks on US occupation
forces in Iraq, as well as US bases in the Gulf. Iran could even
block the Straits of Hormuz, which carries 40 percent of the
world's oil. Spin-off terrorist militancy would skyrocket. The
potential damage to international security and the world economy
would be unfathomably dangerous. The Bush administration's
necons seems capable of any insanity, so none of this may matter
to them. But even the neocons must be taking pause since Israel
failed to knock out Hizbullah using the same onslaught from the
air planned for Iran.
But Israel can attack Iran, and
this may be the plan. Teaming up, the two countries could
compensate for each other's strategic limitations. The US has
been contributing its superpower clout in the Security Council,
setting the stage for sanctions, knowing Iran will not yield on
its enrichment program. Having cultivated a (mistaken)
international belief that Iran is threatening a direct attack on
Israel, the Israeli government could then claim the right of
self-defense in taking unilateral pre-emptive action to destroy
the nuclear capacity of a state declared in breach of UN
directives. Direct retaliation by Iran against Israel is
impossible because Israel is a nuclear power (and Iran is not)
and because the US security umbrella would protect Israel.
Regional reaction against US targets might be curtailed by the
(scant) confusion about indirect US complicity.
In that case, what we are seeing
now is the US creating the international security context for
Israel's unilateral strike and preparing to cover Israel's back
in the aftermath.
Is this really the plan? Some
evidence suggests that it is on the table. In recent years,
Israel has purchased new "bunker-busting" missiles, a fleet of
F-16 jets, and three latest-technology German Dolphin submarines
(and ordered two more)- i.e., the appropriate weaponry for
striking Iran's nuclear installations. In March 2005, the Times
of London reported that Israel had constructed a mock-up of
Iran's Natanz facility in the desert and was conducting practice
bombing runs. In recent months, Israeli officials have openly
stated that if the UN fails to take action, Israel will bomb
Iran.
But Hizbullah, Iran's ally,
still threatens Israel's flank. Hence attacking Hizbullah was
more than a "demo" for attacking Iran, as Seymour Hersh
reported; it was necessary to attacking Iran. Israel failed to
crush Hizbullah, but the outcome may be better for Israel now
that Security Council Resolution 1701 has made the entire
international community responsible for disarming Hizbullah. If
the US-sponsored 1701 effort succeeds, the attack on Iran is a
go.
As Israel and the US try to make
that deeply flawed plan work, we will doubtless continue to read
in every forum that Iran's president - a hostile, irrational,
Jew-hating, Holocaust-denying Islamo-fascist who has threatened
to "wipe Israel off the map" -- is demonstrably irrational
enough to commit national suicide by launching a (nonexistent)
nuclear weapon against Israel's mighty nuclear arsenal. The
message is being hammered home: against this
media-created myth, Israel must truly "defend itself."
Virginia Tilley is a
professor of political science, a US citizen working in South
Africa, and author of
The One-State Solution: A Breakthrough for Peace in the
Israeli-Palestinian Deadlock (University of Michigan Press
and Manchester University Press, 2005). She can be reached at
tilley@hws.edu.
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