Fascists Under the Bed
By Patrick J. Buchanan
09/06/06 "American
Conservative" --- -- “President Likens Dewey
to Hitler as Fascist Tool.”
So ran the New York Times headline, Oct. 26, 1948, after what
Dewey biographer Richard Norton Smith called a “particularly
vitriolic attack in Chicago” by Harry Truman.
What brings this to mind is President Bush’s assertion that we
are “at war with Islamic fascism” and “Islamofascism.”
After the transatlantic bomb plot was smashed, Bush said the
plotters “try to spread their jihadist message—a message I call,
it’s totalitarian in nature—Islamic radicalism, Islamic fascism,
they try to spread it as well by taking the attack to those of
us who love freedom.”
What is wrong with the term Islamofascism?
First, there is no consensus as to what “fascism” even means.
Orwell said when someone calls Smith a fascist, what he means
is, “I hate Smith. ” By calling Smith a fascist, you force Smith
to deny he’s a sympathizer of Hitler and Mussolini.
As a concept, writes Arnold Beichman of the Hoover Institution,
“fascism ... has no intellectual basis; its founders did not
even pretend to have any. Hitler’s ravings in Mein Kampf ...
Mussolini’s boastful balcony speeches, all can be described, in
the words of Roger Scruton, as ‘an amalgam of disparate
conceptions.’”
Richard Pipes considers Stalinism and Hilterism to be siblings
of the same birth mother: “Bolshevism and fascism were heresies
of socialism.”
Since the 1930s, “fascist” has been a term of hate and abuse
used by the Left against the Right, as in the Harry Truman
campaign. In 1964, Martin Luther King Jr. claimed to see in the
Goldwater campaign “dangerous signs of Hitlerism.” Twin the
words, “Reagan, fascism” in Google and 1,800,000 references pop
up.
Unsurprisingly, it is neoconservatives, whose roots are in the
Trotskyist-Social Democratic Left, who are promoting use of the
term. Their goal is to have Bush stuff al-Qaeda, Hamas,
Hezbollah, Syria, and Iran into an “Islamofascist” kill box,
then let SAC do the rest.
The term represents the same lazy, shallow thinking that got us
into Iraq, where Americans were persuaded that by dumping over
Saddam, we were avenging 9/11.
But Saddam was about as devout a practitioner of Islam as his
idol Stalin was of the Russian Orthodox faith. Saddam was into
booze, mistresses, movies, monuments, palaces, and dynasty. Bin
Laden loathed him and volunteered to fight him in 1991, if Saudi
Arabia would only not bring the Americans in to do the fighting
Islamic warriors ought to be doing themselves.
And whatever “Islamofascism” means, Syria surely is not it. It
is a secular dictatorship Bush I bribed into becoming an ally in
the Gulf War. The Muslim Brotherhood is outlawed in Syria. In
1982, Hafez al-Assad perpetrated a massacre of the Brotherhood
in the city of Hama that was awesome in its magnitude and
horror.
As with Khaddafi, whom Bush let out of the penalty box after he
agreed to pay $10 million to the family of each victim of Pan Am
103 and give up his nuclear program, America can deal with
Syria, as Israel did after the Yom Kippur War—for an armistice
on the Golan has stuck, as both sides have kept the deal.
America faces a variety of adversaries, enemies, and evils. But
the Bombs-Away Caucus, as Iraq and Lebanon reveal, does not
always have the right formula. Al-Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah,
Syria, and Iran all present separate challenges calling forth
different responses.
Al-Qaeda appears to exist for one purpose: plot and perpetrate
mass murder to terrorize Americans and Europeans into getting
out of the Islamic world. Contrary to what Bush believes, the
9/11 killers and London and Madrid bombers were not out to
repeal the Bill of Rights, if any ever read it. They are out to
kill us and we have to get them first.
Hamas and Hezbollah have used terrorism, but like Begin’s Irgun
and Mandela’s ANC, they have social and political agendas that
require state power to implement. And once a guerrilla/terrorist
movement takes over a state, it acquires state assets and
interests that are then vulnerable to the U.S. military and
economic power.
Why did the Ayatollah let the American hostages go, as Reagan
raised his right hand to take the oath? Why has Syria not come
to the rescue of Hezbollah? Why has Ahmadinejad not rocketed Tel
Aviv in solidarity with his embattled allies in Lebanon? Res
ipsa loquitur. The thing speaks for itself. They don’t want war
with Israel; they don’t want war with the United States.
“Islamofascism” should be jettisoned from Bush’s vocabulary. It
yokes the faith of a billion people with an odious ideology.
Imagine how Christians would have reacted had FDR taken to
declaring Franco’s Spain and Mussolini’s Italy
“Christo-fascist.”
If Mr. Bush does not want a war of civilizations, he will drop
these propaganda terms that are designed to inflame passions
rather than inform the public of the nature of the war we are
in.
Copyright © 2006 The American Conservative
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