AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): I thank
God, the almighty God, for giving me an
opportunity to meet with my friends once
again, and to speak about the important
world affairs we face today.
At the
outset, I'd like to seize the opportunity to
thank the people of New York, the New York
police and the security forces here for all
their efforts.
I know it is not easy when world leaders
arrive in New York. The regular life of New
York City is disrupted. The movement with
cars around the streets, and with the
convoys, these people to stand behind
traffic, and at times they even have to wait
before being able to cross the green light
on the street. So on my part, I'd like to
apologize to the people of New York and
thank them for accepting us.
I was hoping that on this trip I would
have an opportunity to meet with people here
in New York, to talk with them face to face,
to speak with them and meet with them on the
streets closely, to see them all and for
them to see me and hear what we have to say.
But regretfully, though, pressure of our
work program, and the current conditions
that we face when we travel here, has not
allowed me to do that. But I do hope in the
future there will be an opportunity.
People in the United States, like all
people around the world, are highly
respected by us. They are good-willing
people who seek justice. They care and
understand the fate of humanity is
important. And there are many people here
who care. Many people in the United States
believe in God and believe in justice.
At the U.N. General Assembly, I raised a
new point. After covering problems facing
mankind today, and just, sort of, reviewing
them, talking about some conflicts and wars
and the problems we face and the atmosphere
of threats we face, I tried to touch of some
of the root causes of our problems.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Some
root causes of today's problems facing
humanity has to do with the international
system, a system that has remained with us
since World War II, emanating from the
concept of a group of victors emerging from
a world war and ruling the world.
That is an old system, because it leads
some to believe that they have more rights
to rule the affairs of the world than
others, to run world affairs. And as a
result, justice is hurt as long as this
system prevails in the world.
It is not possible for all humanity to
taste freedom in the full sense of the word,
as well as justice in the full sense of the
word.
When we look at the Security Council, we
see that some members of the council are, in
fact, one party to many conflicts of the
world. They are involved, in fact, in many
conflicts around the world. They are a
direct party to many conflicts and have
created them. Nonetheless, they sit in
judgment of world affairs at the Security
Council when they're a party to the conflict
themselves.
We think and feel that this system must
change. We believe that all nations should
enjoy equal rights for all human beings
should be respected, all nations must be
respected. All have the right to a dignified
life and to enjoy justice and, more
importantly perhaps, enjoy peace and
tranquility.
International organizations must,
therefore, pave the way and lead the way so
that all nations can, without any pressure
or imposition of political or economic
nature, defend their rights and feel that
they're able to do so.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): The
world system must be able to absorb the
confidence and the trust of all nations
around the globe in order to implement and
enforce justice in the best manner.
Regretfully, there is a great mistrust
among nations and people today because they
feel they are unable to find and achieve
their rights through international fora. We
must find a solution for 60 years of past
failed experience.
It's perhaps enough the world conditions
have changed. Many governments and groups
that had no role in World War II,
regretfully, are impacted by the
consequences of World War II. To this day
they were dominated by other groups, their
rights were ignored and repressed.
We, therefore, must strive to achieve a
world filled with peace and freedom and
brotherhood and humanity and justice. And
for that, again, I emphasize that we do need
justice, for justice creates love, and
justice guarantees viable security, and
justice paves the way for permanent
stability.
This is what I like to say to you. And I
hope that all those involved will be able to
respect justice, to submit to justice, and
to make every effort to help realize
justice, because it will benefit all. Those
who seek justice have more followers, are
loved more and, therefore, can guarantee
their long-term interests more.
Therefore, it's clear that all humanity
seeks justice throughout the world, from the
most southern corners of the world, whether
in South America, to the eastern corners of
the world, in the Pacific, to the west and
north. Everyone wants justice. In Africa,
over 52 countries are in search of justice,
as well as in Asia and in Europe, in
northern America too.
It is, therefore, incumbent upon world
leaders to move hand in hand to help lead
nations toward justice -- a true and
complete justice.
And I believe the media have a very
important role to play in this respect, for
media upholds the rights of the people, for
media supports peace and security, as well
as stability.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): And
therefore media must call for peace and
justice. For justice will benefit everyone.
Nobody, except people who are selfish,
will benefit from injustice. The vast number
of human beings in the world by nature seek
justice.
I hope that in the very near future we
will bear witness to the establishment of a
true sense of justice in the international
system, along with what will be followed by
peace, love and permanent peace in the
world.
Thank you.
MODERATOR: Thank you very much, Mr.
President.
As is common practice in this house, the
first question goes to the president of the
U.N. Correspondents Association.
QUESTION: Mr. President, allow me to
welcome you on behalf of the United Nations
Correspondents Association.
And my question to you will be in the
form that you are one of the highest-profile
leaders over here in the United States now,
at this point in time. And there are
concerns, as you know, about Iran's nuclear
power program. And Western powers believe
that you are at the threshold of creating a
bomb, which you have denied time and again.
And in the fact that you are talking
about justice and fairness to everybody,
what is it that you can do, at one point in
time, to assure the international community,
completely and totally, that this will not
be the case, that you will not make a
nuclear bomb, and that you will reach (ph)
Iran, the country which is -- where justice
and everything --will not seek to destroy
any country, including Israel?
That is what is the perception, which has
to be corrected. And I think it's very
important that you tell the world community
that this is what it is.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Thank
you very much.
In addition to speaking on behalf of the
press here in the United Nations, I'm sure
that you've raised the question on the minds
of many here.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): The
authorities in the United States, I believe,
are aware that Iran's nuclear issue is a
political one with no legal background.
For 27 years, United States government
officials have been hostile with the Iranian
government and, by default, against the
development of our country.
For 27 years, spare parts or even
airplane -- passenger airplanes -- have been
denied to us. These will have no military
usage but, nonetheless, we've been denied
even such technology.
So it seems to us that the question is
political.
Let us remember that for eight years, the
United States supported an aggressor to
attack Iran. We had just freed ourselves
from a dictator who depended on the United
States, who was violent toward his own
people, who put down regular demonstrations
and used guns to silence people.
We did not have any elections in his
time. Our officials and authorities were
chosen in other corners beside popular
corners. And people rose to establish a
republic to introduce freedom and democracy.
We expected that the United States
government would support the initiative
taken by the Iranian people, but from day
one, hostilities arose.
There were, of course, acts of terror.
There were confrontations in our country.
And we had been under siege, including
economic sanctions, from the first day of
our revolution almost.
Almost from 1979, even before our
government institutions were able to shape,
we were in the initial stages of drafting a
constitution, having parliamentary
elections, we were placed under sanctions.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): And not
only that, this has continued for 27 years
under various pretexts. Today the pretext
happens to be the nuclear issue.
We have been, for many years, a member of
the IAEA. We have been a signatory. We are a
signatory to the NPT. And we've demonstrated
the largest volume of cooperation with the
IAEA. Iran has provided the IAEA the largest
number of documents that any country has
ever given.
Even in the past several years, all the
works that we have done we have also seen
that the IAEA has published many reports,
numerous reports saying that they do not see
any violation of the treaty requirements of
NPT by the Iranian government.
So when we talk about concerns about
Iran's nuclear issue, I want to say that
it's not the nuclear bomb that the American
government is afraid of, for there are
countries in our region who are armed with a
nuclear bomb and are supported by chance by
the United States government. Now, how is
this?
In Iran, we sees there are two skies over
one ceiling, or two kinds of wind running
over the same ceiling. It doesn't seem
plausible.
They're not concerned about the bomb, but
it seems to us they like to prevent the
development of our country, as they have in
the past.
We were ready for a dialogue. However,
some countries believe that they can speak
for the entire world community.
Let us recall that in a declaration that
was very transparent, 180 member states of
the non-coalition movement recognized Iran's
right to nuclear technology.
I am at a loss in understanding what else
we need to do to provide guarantees.
I have said to the dear gentleman here
that there is no provision in the NPT that
says that we do not have the right -- that
perhaps it says that we need the vote or the
confidence of the U.S. government to have
peaceful nuclear technology.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): There's
no such provision, especially coming from a
country that not only has an immense nuclear
arsenal, but is developing new nuclear bombs
-- the second, third generation -- that are
even more frightening than previous nuclear
bombs, and that is even today supporting
countries that produce nuclear bombs. Now,
this, it seems to us, seems that it should
be of more concern.
I*f we consider and accept that there is
a logic behind what we are saying too, then
we have to also ask the right questions.
Should Iran shut down every technological
development in the biological field and the
medical field and the chemical field?
Because in any of these fields, there's a
possibility of dual usage, possibly a
chemical bomb.
So when we speak of justice, we mean that
everyone is equal when we act within the
framework of international law and we follow
the provisions of NPT.
Now, if the U.S. government submits a
report, as a member of an NPT, I'd like to
ask, what have they done to destroy their
nuclear weapons? To what extent? Where are
these weapons? And who inspects their
weapons program? They, too, need to submit a
report.
And it's also important for the IAEA to
also publicize the extent of what they've
done in Iran, for example, versus what
they've done elsewhere, let's say the United
States.
We've acted in a very transparent manner.
I've even invited journalists and members of
the press to visit our nuclear facilities
with me. I opened the doors and let them see
what we do.
So it's very important to make these
nuclear facilities program a transparent
one, for it is a technology for development
and growth that should be used for
agricultural growth, as well as growth in
other industries.
There's no need to hide such development.
Those who seek to violate the provisions of
the Non-Proliferation Treaty or
nonproliferation international program are
those who hide it.
But we've actually given information to
the IAEA. We've invited international world
community to visit our facilities.
Now, we are told by some that you have to
gain our trust and confidence, but we don't
have any criteria developed for confidence-
building as such. It may take a hundred
years or more for you to gain confidence in
what we do.
What are we supposed to do, given the
context that in the past 27 years you've
demonstrated so much hostility towards our
nation? And let us not forget, you're just a
few countries talking like that with us.
Our logic is quite clear and simple. I
think everybody understands what we're
saying.
We say that nuclear fuel cycle for
peaceful purposes, granted if it's a good
thing, should be good for everyone. And if
it's a bad act, it should be bad for
everyone. It should be banned for everyone.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR):
Throughout our history, our country has not
taken away the rights of any other country,
has not initiated war against any other
country, has not been an aggressor, has had
no territorial claims over other countries.
We love all nations and countries.
Last year, let us recall, when Katrina
happened, my administration announced
readiness to dispatch relief aid to the
victims of Katrina. We suffered from the
pain that the victims of Katrina suffered.
When we saw bodies floating on waters, when
we saw homeless people, we felt that we
needed to help.
This comes, might I say, from our
religion but also from our culture, from our
beliefs. We believe in peace everywhere.
And so when we speak of Palestine, it's
because we don't want to see war there. We
don't want the continuation of displacement
and death and destruction, the destruction
of homes, the death of young people on their
way to school, from school to home. We want
people to feel safe and secure, not fear
imprisonment.
So our proposals on Palestine are quite
clear. We have proposed a referendum. We've
had enough of an experience, over 60 years,
all failed, tens and tens of solutions,
simply because they did not give justice to
all sides.
Justice means allowing, as well, the
Palestinian people to decide over its own
fate. It is a right they must enjoy. It is
the right of all human beings. Why should
some people not recognize such rights for
the Palestinian people directly?
It seems to me that it's the Palestinian
nation that it would be convenient if it is
wiped off the map of the world. Why should a
nation be destroyed as such?
They are human beings. They have
children, women, daughters, men. They care
for each other. They're human beings who
have been living in that homeland for many
years. They have been displaced, though.
On the other hand, there has been an
effort to bring others from all over the
world to place in that territory. Now, this
is unprecedented in world history.
Where in the U.N. Charter is this
allowable and permissible? Is there a law
that endorses -- not so much permissible,
but it might endorse the displacement of a
whole nation and its replacement by another
group and the establishment of a state by
the second group to rule the fate of the
first group?
Now, even if Ahmadinejad, even if I as a
person would keep my silence, do you think
that such injustice will go unnoticed, such
aggression will go unnoticed?
This is a wrong assumption to make
because nations are awake and they move
forward. Nations will reawaken. And they
have already, might I say.
So it's wrong to think that this is a
problem with me, with Ahmadinejad as a
humble person. No, it is a question for
humanity.
You're facing public voices in Venezuela,
in Argentina, in Brazil, in Sudan, in South
Africa, in China, Indonesia, Japan and
China. All across the world, people are
upset by the aggression committed there.
Let us recall what happened recently in
Lebanon. No matter what religion or belief
people belong to, they condemned what
happened in Lebanon because people are more
aware.
Even yesterday, in New York, we saw that
after a few days of heavy propaganda in the
media there were even ads as long as a whole
page -- 100 people, maybe, more or less,
gathered (inaudible) support perhaps with
the Zionist agenda. And the buses were all
the same. It seems they had rented buses to
all come here together, or maybe these buses
were -- I mean, I don't even know, you know
-- were these people paid?
But what I do want to say is that there
are hundreds of millions of other people
around the world who spend their own money
to gather, demonstrate, publish and raise
awareness about the aggression that happens
in Palestine and condemn those acts.
Now, some people think, if they accuse me
as being a terrorist, as a murderer, as
being anti-Jew, that they can solve the
problem that is in Palestine.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): No, I'm
not anti-Jew. Jews are respected by everyone
like all human beings. And I respect them
very much.
Let us remember that in Palestine there
are Muslims, Christians and Jews who live
together. We speak of the Palestinian
nation, of a people all in all embracing
everyone. I never have said the Muslims in
Palestine alone should decide about their
fate.
They used to live freely together. But
ever since the arrival of the British, with
the imperialistic goals they had, and then
the arrival of the Zionist system of
thinking into that land, the problems were
created.
So why not let the people there decide
for themselves, and then let's see what
happens? Let's give that a chance.
QUESTION: For 18 years, your country hid
its nuclear program until it was revealed by
a dissident. The IAEA says there are still
many questions left with your nuclear
program.
Mr. President, why should anyone trust
what you say?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Well, I
believe we need to put this in context.
For over 27 years, we feel under attack.
And the U.S. government calls us a
terrorist.
Now, let us recall that a large number of
our government officials were assassinated
by a group who are recognized as a terrorist
here but nonetheless get to walk in the U.S.
Congress and lobby against the Iranian
government.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Many of
my own friends lost their lives walking on
the streets in Tehran with their wives and
children. They were assassinated by these
same terrorists that you're referring to.
And they, let us recall, were then later
supported by the U.S. government.
We have not hidden anything. We are
working transparently. We are working within
the framework of the NPT. And according to
NPT provisions, every country has the right
to enjoy the fuel cycle.
Six months before giving UF6 to
centrifuge machines, we have to inform the
agency. We've even taken that step, to
inform them when uranium enrichment occurs,
when the activities happen, six months in
advance, according to provisions.
It's interesting that American officials
should say that we're hiding things. Now,
let us see. Will the American government
allow the press to come and visit their
nuclear facilities, their nuclear weapons
arsenals? We've opened everything for
everyone to see.
If you come to Iran, you can go and see
for yourself. It's actually an open area.
Students go and visit it. Teachers do.
University professors go and see it. Even
people who work in the farms (ph) or even
people who graze their sheep there, I'm
talking about villagers, people go and visit
there. They know where everything is.
The bottom line is, we do not need a
bomb, unlike what others think.
Regretfully, some believe that the
nuclear bomb can be effective in
international relations. They're wrong,
because the time for nuclear bombs has
ended. We know that. These nuclear arsenals
will not benefit anyone.
They have to spend so much money
destroying them. If the nuclear bomb could
have saved anyone, it would have prevented
the collapse of the Soviet Union. If the
nuclear bomb could have created security, it
would have prevented, perhaps, September
11th. If the nuclear bomb could have done
anything, it could have, perhaps, stopped
the Palestinian intifada.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Today
is a time of thought and ideas. We know that
and we felt that across the world.
And let me say that at the same time, we
are Muslims. And based on a decree given by
the leader of the Islamic republic, moving
toward having a nuclear bomb is banned and
forbidden. Therefore, no one has the right
to move in this direction. In our country,
it is not permissible.
Now, let me say again, I believe this all
is a political issue. At least the
politicians know it is. And, of course, they
have an outlet to speak their views.
QUESTION: Mr. President, we all know how
important your role is in Lebanon, in Syria
and in the Middle East. Will you be ready to
press the Hezbollah to disarm in order to
get peace in Lebanon?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Iran is
a large and powerful country. Its spiritual
influence in the world is very effective.
Naturally, given the long civilization of
the country, we have an impact on the
region.
I like to stress that Lebanon's internal
affairs is its own affairs. We don't
interfere in its affairs. We don't want to,
because we believe that people in Lebanon,
various groups in Lebanon are strong enough
to discuss issues among themselves and
resolve problems with each other.
We speak at an international level. We
like to fix problems that are on an
international level and do not involve
ourselves, and would not like to, in
internal affairs.
QUESTION: On Lebanon, I'm not sure I
understood precisely your answer. Are you
going to respect the resolution and not ship
any weapons to Hezbollah, which you support?
And on Iran, could you give us any
details on your meeting with Italian leader
Prodi and whether you've come to any kind of
agreement with the E.U.-3 on timing?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): I
responded to the first part of your
question.
We give spiritual support to all those
who want to uphold their rights, because
even according to the U.N. Charter we
believe that all countries have the right to
legitimately defend themselves. When we
support nations, it's a spiritual and
cultural support. That is our position, and
it is a clear position.
As far as the meeting with the Italian
leader is concerned, it was a very good
meeting. We both spoke about our viewpoints.
Our relations with Italy are a very long and
historical one that are also expanding and
growing.
We are interested, I'd like to say, to
have relations with all countries based on
the framework of international law,
including mutual respect, friendship ties.
And Italy is a country that we are
interested in having such relations with.
We know that in one session alone you
cannot arrive at all forms of agreement, but
the Italian and Iranian authorities are
meeting on all levels, and we are interested
in expanding relations on regional issues,
as well as on international issues.
QUESTION: Mr. President, I understand the
importance of the spiritual support that you
have just spoken about toward Hezbollah and
others, but there is a resolution called
1701, and there is a demand of countries to
respect an arms embargo to anyone in Lebanon
other than the legitimate government.
You have twice evaded saying clearly
whether you plan to respect that resolution
and implement it, so can you kindly be
forward and say will you stop giving
Hezbollah arms and will you implement that
resolution?
And do you support, by the way, like you
did last year, the tribunal of an
international character for the
assassinations in Lebanon, including the
assassination of Prime Minister Hariri,
which the president of France called crimes
against humanity?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Thank
you very much.
Are you a representative of the U.N., it
seems? I mean, you are definitely very
powerful in making sure that the resolutions
here are enforced.
QUESTION: Yes, I am a journalist at the
U.N.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Or are
you against Hezbollah?
QUESTION: No, sir, I am asking whether
you plan to respect a resolution that
clearly demands of all countries to stop
armament to any party in Lebanon other than
the legitimate government.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Thank
you very much.
Yes, we support, actually, peace and
permanent stability in Lebanon, and we will
fall short of no measure in promoting this
goal. Whether it's in the cultural or
spiritual support that we can render or
whether it is the role that we can play in
the international arena, we will do our
best. And this is the fundamental principle
of our foreign policy, and it does not
preclude Lebanon.
QUESTION: The French president, Jacques
Chirac, when he was here, offered for the
E.U.-3 to resume negotiations with Iran,
provided there are two good-will gestures
from each side, would stop for the E.U.-3
requesting sanctions and for Iran, which
would be a suspension of uranium enrichment.
What's your answer to that proposal?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): As far
as the nuclear issue is concerned, we have
carefully examined the package given to us
by the E.U.-3, by the European group. Some
expected us to actually turn it down right
away, but given the recommendation by the
U.N. Security Council, we were determined to
read it carefully, to give an appropriate
answer.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): And
throughout the period that we were examining
it, regretfully, a resolution was passed.
We didn't understand and couldn't
understand why a resolution was passed in
the midst of an examination of a package. We
think it was probably under pressure by some
powers who constantly want to place pressure
on countries.
The secretary general told me to
disregard what has happened for the time
being, resort to diplomacy. And he's right
to respond to the package.
In our response, we delineated a clear
framework for the continuation of the
negotiations, based on a legal framework as
well as on the principle of justice. We
maintain that that is a very good foundation
for working together.
Mr. Chirac also proposed that we will
talk until we arrive at a negotiation
(inaudible) level.
Yes, we are talking. And we accept that.
And negotiations, let us remember, needs a
framework. And we need to know who the
parties to the negotiation are and what the
prerogatives and the responsibilities of
each are and what guarantees there are on
enforcement measures.
You see, we have some bitter experience
from the past. We've talked on numerous
occasions. We've been given promises on
numerous occasions, but those promises fell
short of happening.
We even had and have had nuclear
agreements with the United States that were
unilaterally abrogated and (inaudible). We
have had similar agreements with Canada,
with Europe, other places, that were
unilaterally abrogated.
And so therefore we've decided to propose
a framework within our legal
responsibilities under international law so
we know what that framework for negotiations
is, so that it is clear who will support the
decisions taken as a result.
You are quite aware that over 30 years
ago we did have agreements to build the
Bushehr reactor facility. However, the party
to the agreement, which were the Europeans,
unilaterally decided to disregard the
agreement. And so the Bushehr reactor
remains suspended. Its operations for
completion have not gone through.
We have the right to criticize
governments for falling short of rendering
their side of their agreement. We want
guarantees.
So we have, therefore, offered a
framework and we are negotiating within that
framework. And we believe that those
negotiations are moving on the right track,
unless, hopefully, others will not disrupt
the work in small ways, perhaps. We think
that it is a constructive path to take.
QUESTION (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Mr.
President, since the president of the United
States has not responded to your letter,
what is your message to the American people?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Our
response is clear. We believe that all
nations have the right to live in a
dignified manner. And we believe that the
American nation is a great nation. We've
never had problems with the American people.
The problem comes from the American
government directed toward the people of
Iran, really. Our people don't have any
problems with the American people because
our people too seek justice and peace, just
as people in the United States do.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): We ask
for peace around the world.
But we also stand up when there is
tyranny against us, when there is
repression, when people like to force their
will on us, or to say we won't submit to
that, never. And we like people here to
understand that.
QUESTION: Yesterday, I approached you and
asked you a question. And after you found
out that I'm an Israeli reporter, you
ignored me.
I want you to know I'm an authentic
Palestinian Jew. My family arrived to this
area in 1882, when the Turks ruled this
area. So I think I deserve an answer from
you, even according to your definitions.
One thing: Can you clarify once and for
all, do you seek the destruction of Israel,
or don't you seek the destruction of Israel?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): We love
everyone around the world: Jews, Christians,
Muslims, non-Muslims, non-Jews, non-
Christians. We have no problem with people.
What we object to are acts that are
inappropriate against us, or acts of
occupation, of aggression, of violence, of
displacement of nations. We have no problem
with regular people.
We have no problem -- everyone we
respect. Everyone should enjoy their
legitimate rights.
But, again, I repeat that we oppose
aggression and violence and murder. And we
say that loudly.
QUESTION: You're talking about
negotiations. First of all, at what point
during the negotiations do you foresee
suspending enrichment of uranium?
And you had talked about guarantees just
before that. What kind of security
guarantees are you looking for in the
negotiations?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): We are
not talking of getting security measures. We
are able to protect ourselves and our
security. The experience of the eight-year
war should have shown that to everyone in
the world.
You know, the world powers were behind
Saddam. Our country was fighting with empty
-- with no real arms, but it was the power
of our young people that upheld the
territorial integrity of Iran.
What we speak of are guarantees of
enforcement of the provisions agreed upon.
Well, we, for example, as I gave the
example, had agreements in the past to --
nuclear agreements for peaceful purposes,
building reactors, et cetera. Not only were
those neglected, but they also neglected
agreements to provide, say, helicopters to
us; to provide spare parts for civilian
aircraft. So we want to make sure that
whatever we agree on has a guarantee of
enforcement.
But speaking about suspension, our
position on suspension is very clear. In the
package given to the Europeans, we've
discussed that. We have said that under fair
conditions and just conditions, we will
negotiate about it -- under fair and just
conditions, I repeat. Thank you.
QUESTION: Mr. President, you and
President Chavez did not really address the
concerns of your own citizens in the
speeches you gave at the General Assembly.
Both of you primarily expressed your anger
at the United States and American hegemony.
Since you just visited Venezuela, and
both of your countries are large oil
producers and members of OPEC, is this a new
close relationship, an alliance between Iran
and Venezuela?
As well, are the speeches you gave a type
of alarm for the energy industry and a
threat to the United States?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): No. Not
at all. We do not seek to represent a threat
to any country. We have relations with all
countries, you must note, and we like to
have friendly relations with all, as you
must note.
I'd like to point out here that, despite
the support of the American government of a
former dictatorial regime in our country,
after the victory of the revolution, the
late Ayatollah Khomeini said that
(inaudible) two countries that we consider
are illegitimate are the apartheid system of
South Africa first, and the occupying regime
of Jerusalem.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): We like
to have friendly relations with all
countries. Our imam and our people were
saddened, but yet forget the support of the
United States gratefully of the former
regime in Iran, because we have practically
sought good relations with everyone, and we
still do.
Venezuela, let us not forget, is a large
country with sincere people, with great
people, with an independent government, let
us not forget. And we must have relations,
just as have relations with India, with
Pakistan, with Algeria, with 195 countries
in the world. We have relations that are
sincere and friendly and close.
While the United States, let us not
forget, cut its ties with us unilaterally.
They look at us with hostility in a very
unilateral way. If they change toward us,
there, too, we can solve our problems.
The expansion of our ties with the rest
of the world is based on the interest of
nations and people, and toward the promotion
of peace and justice worldwide.
QUESTION (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): The
question I have, you speak of (inaudible)
you suspended the enrichment as a
precondition. Is it really possible for Iran
to consider spending enrichment once
negotiations begin (inaudible)? And if you
give a positive answer to this, will the
leader support that or not?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): You
actually managed to get two questions in the
form of one here.
You see, our position is very clear: We
work within the framework of NPT. We seek to
define our rights within that framework and
nothing more.
I don't quite see why so many people are
so sensitive about the "enrichment" word. It
seems that this "enrichment" word has become
the sort of lingua franca of our time and
day.
But let's see, it looks to me that the
problem is something else. It seems to me
again that the United States government and
some European countries should make some
changes and alterations in the way they
treat the Iranian government and speak with
us.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): You
see, they can't look at our nation as they
have in the past 27 years (inaudible) trying
to impose their views on us because that's
not possible.
But if they recognize that we too, as a
nation, have rights that they too recognize
international law, well then many things are
possible, and the concerns too will be
removed.
Again, we have given another suggestion,
too. Since they have bombs themselves, they
know what bombs are. They're actually more
afraid of it, I think.
(LAUGHTER)
They should destroy their arsenal, and I
think they'll be less fearful about it. And
they'll be less suspicious of others.
(LAUGHTER)
QUESTION: India has always maintained it
has a civilizational relationship with Iran.
But at the same time, it does not want to
see another country in the region develop a
nuclear weapon and it's urging Iran not to
produce a nuclear weapon.
What do you think of this position, also
given India's blossoming nuclear
relationship with the United States, your
archrival right now?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Well,
their suggestion is a good one, because we
are not seeking the nuclear bomb. I mean,
that's quite clear.
QUESTION: Your Excellency, I'm not a
speaker of Farsi, but there is a debate
going on as to what exactly you said at the
conference on the World Without Zionism.
Did you say that Israel as a state should
be wiped off the map or did you say
something else? Could you just please
specify this, because there is this debate
going on?
And if you said Israel should be wiped
off the map, that's very scary. If you said
something else perhaps less alarming;
perhaps you could tell us.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): It's
quite interesting. I mean, it seems to me
that there's a strong Zionist lobby. And it
seems to me that I face this question
wherever I go. And I have always been ready
to answer.
I am not saying that you are a Zionist
lobbyist, sir. I'm just saying that wherever
I go I face questions like this.
But I'd like to say that we are opposed
to aggression. We are opposed to occupation.
We are opposed to murder and violence,
whoever commits them -- does not matter --
whoever is an aggressor, whoever who is the
source for disgracement or is a murderer.
I mean, I'm talking about aggression and
occupation as an abhorrent act wherever it
occurs, whether in Palestine that is
occupied, whether in Lebanon, in Vietnam, in
Iraq.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): We
oppose killing on such scale. And, you know,
we have tried to offer some proposals on
Palestine: the referendum that I discussed
earlier, with the participation of everyone.
Now, when you speak of referendum, you're
thinking of a process, naturally. You're not
speaking of anything else. It's within the
framework of the United Nations Charter.
We do believe that the Zionist role in
creating conflict around the world should be
thoroughly examined by the media. It is a
responsibility. Let us not forget that they
represent a complex group, a complex
organizational system, that has been the
source of many problems.
Now, we cannot force our will on the vast
part of the world because there is a small
group that has a certain interest related to
wealth and power.
Let's not forget that Zionism is a party
that, in fact, it has no religious
affiliations. They might say that, "Well,
we're Jews," but that's really not true and
that's not the fundamental foundation of
Zionism.
And let's not forget that after all, the
prophet Moses, was a supporter of peace, was
a supporter of justice. He opposed
aggression and occupation, and he opposed
war and the displacement of people. He saved
the children of Israel, banning Israel from
pharaohs of the time, from occupiers from
aggressors of the time.
So how can the followers of Moses
possibly destroy the homes of people over
their heads in their homeland to take, and
to kill, actually, an infant that is feeding
in the arms of a mother?
These Zionists, I want to tell you, are
not Jews. That's the biggest deception we've
ever faced.
Zionists are Zionists, period. They are
not Jews, they are not Christians, and they
are not Muslims. They are a power group, a
power party. And we oppose oppression and
the aggression that any party that seeks
pure power, raw power goes after.
AHMADINEJAD: And we announce and
(inaudible) loudly that if you support that,
you'll be condemned by the rest of the
world.
If you usurp the rights of others, you'll
be condemned by the rest of the world. If
you displace people from their homeland, the
rest of the world will condemn you.
And you too must condemn these acts.
Everyone should. As a conscienced voice, we
must.
Would you like to be displaced from your
homeland and replaced by others and, when
you raise objections, to be named a
terrorist? I really doubt that anyone in the
world would like that.
So this is an imposition on humanity.
QUESTION (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): In your
remarks, you have mentioned that the leaders
and presidents of the world should turn to
justice and enforce justice.
You are the president of Iran and you
have the opportunity to enforce justice.
Reports coming from Iran seem to indicate
that student movements are being repressed,
that justice is not being served, as far as
the followers of the Baha'i faith, as well
as for women, who object to the Islamic laws
that discriminate against them.
And this justice that you speak of in the
political realm does not exist. So why are
against justice?
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): In the
meeting we had with the Foreign Press
Council last night, it seemed to me that
this was the main question on the mind of
many people.
I want to give you two figures.
There are about 219 million people in the
United States and in Iran we have about 68
million people.
Now, there are about 3 million prisoners
in the U.S. There are about 130,000 -- there
are exactly 130,000 prisoners in Iran, 90
percent of whom are illicit drug traffickers
who have been arrested in direct armed
conflict with our security forces, who were
trying to prevent the transit of drugs from
Iran into Europe and the United States.
Now, let's find out, and I think you
should, what the composition of the
backgrounds of prisoners in the United
States is.
AHMADINEJAD (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): I asked
this question yesterday, but nobody had an
answer.
Now, let's see, a high percent of
American people are in prison, whereas only
0.2 percent of the Iranian population is in
prison. Let's just put these figures in
proportion now.
You know, I like to speak of law as a
framework. If you violate a traffic
regulation, you will be governed (ph) by
law. If not, there will be no rule of law.
Now, we do have law in our country. We
have a judiciary system. And, in fact, our
courts are quite independent because the
president does not have the right by law to
interfere in the judgments of the judiciary.
It therefore represents an independent
power, an independent branch of government.
We have a judiciary, we have lawyers, we
have judges, we have trials. There are
violations under law.
Now, let me just clarify what the
political situation in Iran is and for you
to understand better.
There is a newspaper in Iran that is
affiliated with the government and it's a
voice, a podium for government position.
Three months ago they had a violation under
law and they were shut down. The president
could not do anything.
Now, I mean, what happened there is
really a concept of freedom, a dimension of
freedom that we must examine, because if we
are to allow insults to happen, if we allow
violations of law to happen, then we are
acting against justice, we're allowing those
with power to tell others what to do.
The courts are set up to defend the
rights of the people. A citizen might raise
a complaint against me. The judge must
consider and examine that and they might
give a sentence against me and force me to
leave office. This, to me, is a power given
to our courts and is a dimension of freedom,
it is a dimension of democracy that we've
been attained.
Now, let us not forget that there is a
possibility of failing to carry out law
completely (ph) everywhere. It's in our
country as well. Sometimes an enforcement
official may not carry out his duties in the
right way. But we are all involved, we are
all responsible, we have to tell people not
to do that, we have to make our efforts.
And everywhere in the world, when you
look, such things do happen, and in Iran,
too. But we believe that the freedom that we
enjoy in Iran and the kind of justice we
enjoy in Iran today is, sort of, self-grown,
home-grown, and we made every effort to get
to where we are, and we hope you respect
that.
I thank you all. I know many of you had
many questions. I am sorry that my time is
limited. Our time is really tight. But if
you coordinate with my friend Mr. Zaid (ph),
inshallah, meet you in Tehran in the near
future in a press conference.
Thank you for your time.
END
.ETX
Sep 21, 2006 13:21 ET .EOF
Source: CQ Transcriptions © 2006,
Congressional Quarterly Inc., All Rights
Reserved
