Nuclear Umbrella? The Peril of Missile Defense
By William A. Cohn
10/12/06 "Information
Clearing House" --- -
As North Korea has now exploded a nuclear weapon we are being
told once again that missile defense is imperative. 2006 will
likely see the US expand its National Missile Defense (NMD)
program to Central Europe. This proposed first overseas missile
site in NMD and the revival of NMD itself is troubling. The
basic questions remain: Does missile defense work? And, more
importantly, does it make us more, or less, safe?
The 1972 anti-ballistic missile (ABM) Treaty held that in the
nuclear age missile defense threatens peace and survival.
President Reagan’s 1983 Strategic Defense Initiative was
referred to as Star Wars because it was widely perceived as
far-fetched. President Clinton concluded that NMD violated ABM
and was technologically infeasible. Most recently, defense
secretary Rumsfeld revived NMD spending by raising alarms about
the need to defend against Iranian and North Korean missile
threats.
Today, NMD relies upon ground-based hit-to-kill interceptor
missiles, which aim to destroy incoming long-range ballistic
missiles by colliding with them head-on. Critics assert that NMD
creates false security and added risk, does not work in
achieving its stated aims (noting a poor hit-to-kill test
record), and is misplaced because the long-range missile threat
is overstated.
The scientific community has spoken out against missile defense.
US Physicists released a 2003 report of the American Physical
Society finding NMD technically infeasible. Following a recent
test-failure, a co-director of the Union of Concerned Scientists
(UCS) concluded “It’s clear that the program is being pushed
ahead for political reasons regardless of its capability.”
(Tom Reagan, “Star Wars missile defense system fails again,” The
Christian Science Monitor, 2-15-05). The 2004 UCS report
Technical Realities finds that missile defense has “no
demonstrated defensive capability and will be ineffective
against a real attack by long-range ballistic missiles.”
In 1998 Donald Rumsfeld chaired a panel which Congress directed
to assess the ballistic missile threat to the US. The Rumsfeld
Commission resuscitated NMD by asserting that “rouge states”
could acquire ballistic missiles within 5 years, not the 10-15
years stated in prior intelligence estimates. But analysts now
agree that rogue-states and non-state terrorists would likely
use short-range attacks, not long-range ballistic missiles. The
ballistic missile threat is seemingly decreasing. NMD, however,
does nothing to stop short-range missiles and other more genuine
threats. Rumsfeld’s five-year estimate and recommendations were
based in part on briefings from the main US missile defense
contractors now working on NMD – Lockheed Martin and Boeing.
Despite spending more than $100 billion since 1983, the US still
has not shown that missile defense can work. Test results have
been mixed at best. Missile defense simply cannot guarantee that
all incoming warheads will be destroyed. Rather, it provides
false security emboldening decision-makers to pursue preemptive
and other risky and provocative military interventions in the
world – even contemplation of ‘limited nuclear strikes’.
The once vigorous public debate over missile defense receded in
late 2001 when President Bush withdrew the US from the 1972 ABM
treaty claiming it “prevents us from developing effective
defenses”. Indeed, ABM constrained deployment of missile defense
systems (including the development of sea, air, mobile land and
space-based systems) precisely because such systems undermine
nuclear deterrence.
The prevailing wisdom during the Cold War was that nobody would
attempt a nuclear strike because it would prompt a counterstrike
– the resulting mutual assured destruction (MAD) providing an
effective deterrent to use of nuclear weapons. A small minority
argued that (a la Dr. Strangelove) they could survive a nuclear
attack and emerge victorious. They were called nuclear
utilization theorists (NUTs). Today, Star Wars advocates place
faith and resources in shield protection against missiles
(SPAM). Can missile defense really intercept cruise missiles and
other ground-hugging and laser guided projectiles let alone
conventional missiles? Given the propaganda for missile defense
it seems we are being SPAMMED into becoming NUTS rather than
MAD.
Russian President Putin warned that US ABM withdrawal undermined
arms control and threatened a new arms race. Russia, however,
has not followed the US lead. Russian and Chinese officials
reportedly do not perceive a need to develop missile defense
systems because they are confident that such systems simply do
not work.
The US will spend some $9 billion this year to develop ballistic
missile defenses, with $9.3 billion slated for next year. Total
US military spending exceeds half a trillion dollars for 2006.
The September 16, 2006 International Herald Tribune reports that
the US now spends more on its military than does the rest of the
world combined.
32 key Bush administration appointees are former top defense
contractor insiders. One analyst concludes that the resurgence
of missile defense “has been politically driven, spurred on by
the missile defense lobby, which is thoroughly entrenched in the
Bush Administration.” (Michelle Ciarrocca, “Missile defense all
over again,” www.fpif.org, October 2004). The past 6 years have
certainly been lucrative for military contractors – since 2003
the stock value of Lockheed Martin has doubled while General
Dynamics’ and Boeing’s have each tripled.
The reported successful test of a nuclear weapon by North Korea
will no doubt be used in order to push forward with US missile
defense installations in Europe which are seen as defending
against missiles from Tehran, Damascus and Pyongyang. Missile
defense, however, is but a costly distraction from the needed
work towards nuclear disarmament.
The international arms control regime is based on the premise
that we are more secure taking steps to get rid of nuclear
weapons rather than trying to defend against them. The Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) mandates “general and complete
disarmament under strict and effective international control.”
Thus, non-nuclear weapons states forego pursuit of nuclear
weapons because nuclear weapons states work towards nuclear
disarmament. The fulfillment of this “grand bargain” requires
good faith implementation of NPT’s disarmament protocols. The
threat posed by rogue states is best addressed by strenuously
supporting NPT and backing the efforts of IAEA inspectors
empowered to verify NPT compliance.
North Korea’s explosion of a nuclear bomb should give us pause
to consider how the international community best prevents
radioactive lunacy. The Non-Proliferation and Comprehensive
Nuclear Test Ban Treaties as well as a new treaty replacing ABM
should be re-emphasized and supported. The simple truth is,
despite massive spending, we cannot shield ourselves against a
proliferation of nuclear and other missiles. Failure to support
international arms control efforts in favor of the pursuit of
unilateralist military solutions is misguided at best. The true
cost of missile defense may prove unimaginable.
The author, a member of the California and International Bar
Associations, is lecturer at the University of New York in
Prague where he teaches and writes on law, ethics and logic. He
holds degrees from Stanford University in international
relations and University of California in law. His treatise on
international law was published in August by Eurozine. Other
writings on law and public policy have been published in
TransAfrica Forum, Hemispheres, The New Presence and The Prague
Post (op-eds in the Post as Bill Cohn)
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