U.S. Web Archive Is Said to Reveal a Nuclear
Primer
By WILLIAM J. BROAD
11/03/06 "New
York Times" -- - Last March, the federal
government set up a Web site to make public a vast archive of
Iraqi documents captured during the war. The Bush administration
did so under pressure from Congressional Republicans who had
said they hoped to “leverage the Internet” to find new evidence
of the prewar dangers posed by Saddam Hussein.
But in recent weeks, the site has posted some documents that
weapons experts say are a danger themselves: detailed accounts
of Iraq’s secret nuclear research before the 1991 Persian Gulf
war. The documents, the experts say, constitute a basic guide to
building an atom bomb.
Last night, the government shut down the Web site after The New
York Times asked about complaints from weapons experts and
arms-control officials. A spokesman for the director of national
intelligence said access to the site had been suspended “pending
a review to ensure its content is appropriate for public
viewing.”
Officials of the International Atomic Energy Agency, fearing
that the information could help states like Iran develop nuclear
arms, had privately protested last week to the American
ambassador to the agency, according to European diplomats who
spoke on condition of anonymity because of the issue’s
sensitivity. One diplomat said the agency’s technical experts
“were shocked” at the public disclosures.
Early this morning, a spokesman for Gregory L. Schulte, the
American ambassador, denied that anyone from the agency had
approached Mr. Schulte about the Web site.
The documents, roughly a dozen in number, contain charts,
diagrams, equations and lengthy narratives about bomb building
that nuclear experts who have viewed them say go beyond what is
available elsewhere on the Internet and in other public forums.
For instance, the papers give detailed information on how to
build nuclear firing circuits and triggering explosives, as well
as the radioactive cores of atom bombs.
“For the U.S. to toss a match into this flammable area is very
irresponsible,” said A. Bryan Siebert, a former director of
classification at the federal Department of Energy, which runs
the nation’s nuclear arms program. “There’s a lot of things
about nuclear weapons that are secret and should remain so.”
The government had received earlier warnings about the contents
of the Web site. Last spring, after the site began posting old
Iraqi documents about chemical weapons, United Nations
arms-control officials in New York won the withdrawal of a
report that gave information on how to make tabun and sarin,
nerve agents that kill by causing respiratory failure.
The campaign for the online archive was mounted by conservative
publications and politicians, who said that the nation’s spy
agencies had failed adequately to analyze the 48,000 boxes of
documents seized since the March 2003 invasion. With the public
increasingly skeptical about the rationale and conduct of the
war, the chairmen of the House and Senate intelligence
committees argued that wide analysis and translation of the
documents — most of them in Arabic — would reinvigorate the
search for clues that Mr. Hussein had resumed his unconventional
arms programs in the years before the invasion. American search
teams never found such evidence.
The director of national intelligence, John D. Negroponte, had
resisted setting up the Web site, which some intelligence
officials felt implicitly raised questions about the competence
and judgment of government analysts. But President Bush approved
the site’s creation after Congressional Republicans proposed
legislation to force the documents’ release.
In his statement last night, Mr. Negroponte’s spokesman, Chad
Kolton, said, “While strict criteria had already been
established to govern posted documents, the material currently
on the Web site, as well as the procedures used to post new
documents, will be carefully reviewed before the site becomes
available again.”
A spokesman for the National Security Council, Gordon D.
Johndroe, said, “We’re confident the D.N.I. is taking the
appropriate steps to maintain the balance between public
information and national security.”
The Web site, “Operation Iraqi Freedom Document Portal,” was a
constantly expanding portrait of prewar Iraq. Its many thousands
of documents included everything from a collection of religious
and nationalistic poetry to instructions for the repair of
parachutes to handwritten notes from Mr. Hussein’s intelligence
service. It became a popular quarry for a legion of bloggers,
translators and amateur historians.
Among the dozens of documents in English were Iraqi reports
written in the 1990s and in 2002 for United Nations inspectors
in charge of making sure Iraq had abandoned its unconventional
arms programs after the Persian Gulf war. Experts say that at
the time, Mr. Hussein’s scientists were on the verge of building
an atom bomb, as little as a year away.
European diplomats said this week that some of those nuclear
documents on the Web site were identical to the ones presented
to the United Nations Security Council in late 2002, as America
got ready to invade Iraq. But unlike those on the Web site, the
papers given to the Security Council had been extensively
edited, to remove sensitive information on unconventional arms.
The deletions, the diplomats said, had been done in consultation
with the United States and other nuclear-weapons nations.
Mohamed ElBaradei, the director of the International Atomic
Energy Agency, which ran the nuclear part of the inspections,
told the Security Council in late 2002 that the deletions were
“consistent with the principle that proliferation-sensitive
information should not be released.”
In Europe, a senior diplomat said atomic experts there had
studied the nuclear documents on the Web site and judged their
public release as potentially dangerous. “It’s a cookbook,” said
the diplomat, who spoke on condition of anonymity because of his
agency’s rules. “If you had this, it would short-circuit a lot
of things.”
The New York Times had examined dozens of the documents and
asked a half dozen nuclear experts to evaluate some of them.
Peter D. Zimmerman, a physicist and former United States
government arms scientist now at the war studies department of
King’s College, London, called the posted material “very
sensitive, much of it undoubtedly secret restricted data.”
Ray E. Kidder, a senior nuclear physicist at the Lawrence
Livermore National Laboratory in California, an arms design
center, said “some things in these documents would be helpful”
to nations aspiring to develop nuclear weapons and should have
remained secret.
A senior American intelligence official who deals routinely with
atomic issues said the documents showed “where the Iraqis failed
and how to get around the failures.” The documents, he added,
could perhaps help Iran or other nations making a serious effort
to develop nuclear arms, but probably not terrorists or poorly
equipped states. The official, who requested anonymity because
of his agency’s rules against public comment, called the papers
“a road map that helps you get from point A to point B, but only
if you already have a car.”
Thomas S. Blanton, director of the National Security Archive, a
private group at George Washington University that tracks
federal secrecy decisions, said the impetus for the Web site’s
creation came from an array of sources — private conservative
groups, Congressional Republicans and some figures in the Bush
administration — who clung to the belief that close examination
of the captured documents would show that Mr. Hussein’s
government had clandestinely reconstituted an unconventional
arms programs.
“There were hundreds of people who said, ‘There’s got to be gold
in them thar hills,’ ” Mr. Blanton said.
The campaign for the Web site was led by the chairman of the
House Intelligence Committee, Representative Peter Hoekstra of
Michigan. Last November, he and his Senate counterpart, Pat
Roberts of Kansas, wrote to Mr. Negroponte, asking him to post
the Iraqi material. The sheer volume of the documents, they
argued, had overwhelmed the intelligence community.
Some intelligence officials feared that individual documents,
translated and interpreted by amateurs, would be used out of
context to second-guess the intelligence agencies’ view that Mr.
Hussein did not have unconventional weapons or substantive ties
to Al Qaeda. Reviewing the documents for release would add an
unnecessary burden on busy intelligence analysts, they argued.
On March 16, after the documents’ release was approved, Mr.
Negroponte’s office issued a terse public announcement including
a disclaimer that remained on the Web site: “The U.S. government
has made no determination regarding the authenticity of the
documents, validity or factual accuracy of the information
contained therein, or the quality of any translations, when
available.”
On April 18, about a month after the first documents were made
public, Mr. Hoekstra issued a news release acknowledging
“minimal risks,” but saying the site “will enable us to better
understand information such as Saddam’s links to terrorism,
weapons of mass destruction and violence against the Iraqi
people.” He added: “It will allow us to leverage the Internet to
enable a mass examination as opposed to limiting it to a few
exclusive elites.”
Yesterday, before the site was shut down, Jamal Ware, a
spokesman for Mr. Hoekstra, said the government had “developed a
sound process to review the documents to ensure sensitive or
dangerous information is not posted.” Later, he said the
complaints about the site “didn’t sound like a big deal,”
adding, “We were a little surprised when they pulled the plug.”
The precise review process that led to the posting of the
nuclear and chemical-weapons documents is unclear. But in
testimony before Congress last spring, a senior official from
Mr. Negroponte’s office, Daniel Butler, described a “triage”
system used to sort out material that should remain classified.
Even so, he said, the policy was to “be biased towards release
if at all possible.” Government officials say all the documents
in Arabic have received at least a quick review by Arabic
linguists.
Some of the first posted documents dealt with Iraq’s program to
make germ weapons, followed by a wave of papers on chemical
arms.
At the United Nations in New York, the chemical papers raised
alarms at the Monitoring, Verification and Inspection
Commission, which had been in charge of searching Iraq for all
unconventional arms, save the nuclear ones.
In April, diplomats said, the commission’s acting chief weapons
inspector, Demetrius Perricos, lodged an objection with the
United States mission to the United Nations over the document
that dealt with the nerve agents tabun and sarin.
Soon, the document vanished from the Web site. On June 8,
diplomats said, Mr. Perricos told the Security Council of how
risky arms information had shown up on a public Web site and how
his agency appreciated the American cooperation in resolving the
matter.
In September, the Web site began posting the nuclear documents,
and some soon raised concerns. On Sept. 12, it posted a document
it called “Progress of Iraqi nuclear program circa 1995.” That
description is potentially misleading since the research
occurred years earlier.
The Iraqi document is marked “Draft FFCD Version 3 (20.12.95),”
meaning it was preparatory for the “Full, Final, Complete
Disclosure” that Iraq made to United Nations inspectors in March
1996. The document carries three diagrams showing cross sections
of bomb cores, and their diameters.
On Sept. 20, the site posted a much larger document, “Summary of
technical achievements of Iraq’s former nuclear program.” It
runs to 51 pages, 18 focusing on the development of Iraq’s bomb
design. Topics included physical theory, the atomic core and
high-explosive experiments. By early October, diplomats and
officials said, United Nations arms inspectors in New York and
their counterparts in Vienna were alarmed and discussing what to
do.
Last week in Vienna, Olli J. Heinonen, head of safeguards at the
international atomic agency, expressed concern about the
documents to Mr. Schulte, diplomats said.
Scott Shane contributed reporting.
Copyright 2006 The New York Times Company