Hubris followed by nemesis: The verdict on perhaps
the worst presidency in US history
That old Bush self-certainty and swagger ('In Texas, we call it
walking') is dead and buried
By Rupert Cornwell
11/09/06 "The
Independent" --- -- A precious and long-lost
commodity has returned to American politics this morning. It is
called reality. For the past two years, we have been inhabiting a
dream world, conjured up by the witchdoctors in the White House, and
sustained by their Republican stooges who ruled Capitol Hill.
George W Bush continued to wage his misbegotten war, vowing to "stay
the course" (or whatever was the formulation of the hour). In
Congress his pliant troops used their majority to suspend the
legislature's constitutional duty to call the administration to
account, flouting the system of checks and balances on which
American democracy depends. Wilfully divorced from reality, a
desperately unpopular president continued to govern by pandering to
his conservative base.
All that, mercifully, is now over. Statistically, this midterm
defeat is smaller than that suffered by Bill Clinton in 1994, at the
hands of Newt Gingrich and his "Republican revolution". Then, the
Democrats lost 52 seats in the House and control of the Senate. This
time the Republicans will have lost 30 at most, and might just cling
on to the Senate.
But make no mistake. The true upheaval is at least as great. Not
only has gerry-mandering reduced the number of competitive House
seats. Clinton was just two years into his first term, with
everything to play for. The best Bushcan hope for is to escape with
a semblance of respectability from what historians already debate
may be the worst presidency in American history.
Hubris has been followed by nemesis. In retrospect, the highwater
mark of that hubris came a couple of weeks before Bush won
re-election in November 2004 - when Karl Rove was marshalling the
forces of Christian conservatives to defeat John Kerry, and when
Bush loved to brag how he never looked at a newspaper.
The trouble was, a White House aide sneered in a wonderful piece by
Ron Susskind in The New York Times magazine, that the despised media
lived in a "reality-based community" that believed "solutions emerge
from the judicious study of discernable reality". Well, not only the
media, but most of the human race. But not, of course, this White
House, and this president guided by instinct, not by facts, who
preferred the counsel of "a higher father" to that of his vastly
experienced biological sire. The world didn't work like that any
more, the aide went on. "When we act, we create our own reality."
That conceit, and that pseudo-reality, have now surely been
destroyed.
Rove's aura of invincibility and omniscience has been shattered. For
his boss, yesterday must have been the most dispiriting morning of
his life, as he woke to contemplate the transformed political
landscape. The old Bush presidency, of self-certainty and swagger
("In Texas, we call it walking") is dead and buried.
What remains is a rump for which the term "lame duck" is probably an
understatement. This proud and unbending man, who never admits to
the smallest mistake, now faces two years in which he must make
compromises with a hostile Congress, if he is to achieve anything at
all. Above all, he must somehow find an orderly way out of his war.
His options are dreadful. He threw a bone to critics by at last
sacking Donald Rumsfeld, the day-to-day manager of the Iraq mess,
whose relationship with reality had been as tenuous as that of his
boss. But that is also tantamount to an admission that the war was
wrong. No less important, it also mean confirmation hearings for
Rumsfeld's replacement - hearings that may well turn into the
Congressional inquisition on the war, its prosecution and the
intelligence fiasco that preceded it, that the White House has
fought tooth and nail to avoid.
But the Defence Secretary's departure does not end the war, for
which Mr Bush insists that nothing short of victory will suffice. He
can only hope against hope that the bipartisan Iraq Study Group
chaired by the old Bush family consigliere James Baker (one of those
scorned realists with whom his earthly father used to surround
himself) will come up with an exit strategy, albeit one perforce
based on "a judicious study of discernable reality".
Paradoxically, Bush's strongest tactical card over Iraq is the sheer
magnitude of the disaster he has created. Bush is correct to say
Democrats have no viable alternative, for a simple reason. There
simply isn't one. But that leaves the ball in Bush's court - and
alas, "discernable reality" also points towards some form of
accommodation with Iran. Win or lose the elections, Iran was already
potentially an even thornier problem than Iraq for his remaining
time in office. Their loss makes even less likely the use of the
military option by a president approved of by only 35 per cent of
his countrymen. Among Tuesday night's winners may be counted not
only the Democrats but also Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
What can save Bush, and offer his Republicans a chance of hanging on
to the White House two years hence? His best hope is that Democrats
overplay their hand, especially if they find themselves in command
of the Senate as well as the House. Gingrich made that mistake a
decade ago, allowing Clinton to exploit his overreaching to win a
second term in 1996. Heedless of the lesson, the Republicans
launched the absurd impeachment effort that contributed to losses in
the 1998 midterms, against every historical trend.
For veteran Democrats steamrollered by Gingrich and his successors
into virtual irrelevance in the House for the past dozen years, the
urge to get even must be close to irresistible right now. But my
guess is they will resist it. Democrats understand as well as anyone
that these midterms were not won by them so much as lost by the
Republicans.
They know full well that an eminently winnable presidential election
is just two years off. It makes little sense to alienate a public
disposed to give them a chance, by launching a revenge effort at
impeachment or by putting headline-grabbing investigation by TV
klieg-light ahead of measured legislative proposals, even if these
latter invite a presidential veto.
No less important, the make-up of the Democratic delegation in the
House has changed with the passage from minority to majority. True,
committees will be chaired by old liberal lions. But the newcomers
are predominantly moderate Democrats who will resist any effort by
Nancy Pelosi, the Speaker-in-waiting, to live up to the myth of her
San Francisco political base. And this leads to the other US
political paradox of the hour.
The Democrats may have won. But Congress has moved not leftwards,
but rightwards. Not only are Democrats more conservative. So too are
their opponents after Tuesday's cull of Republican moderates. These
days, Bill Kristol, founding father of the modern neocon movement,
and advocate of military action against Iran, ploughs a lonely
furrow. But his judgement on the vote is spot on. "America remains a
moderately conservative country, and Democrats have adjusted to the
fact." In short, they have adjusted to reality. The question is, can
George W Bush do likewise?
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