Fateh's Unholy
Alliance
Pinochet in Palestine
By Joseph Massad
11/18/06 "Al-Ahram"
-- -- Before the United States government
subcontracted the Chilean military to overthrow the
democratically elected government of Salvador Allende in
1973, it carried out a number of important missions in the
country in preparation for the coup of 11 September. These
included major strikes, especially by truck owners, which
crippled the economy, massive demonstrations that included
middle-class housewives and children carrying pots and pans
demanding food, purging the Chilean military of officers who
would oppose the suspension of democracy and the
introduction of US-supported fascist rule, and a major media
campaign against the regime with the CIA planting stories in
newspapers like El Mercurio and others. This was in a
context where also the Communist Party and the Leftist
Revolutionary Movement (MIR) criticised and sometimes
attacked the Allende regime from varying leftist positions.
The Chilean example is important to keep in mind when one
looks at the Palestinian situation today, as it functions as
a sort of training video for US-planned anti-democratic
coups elsewhere in the world. Not only are the US and Israel
financially backing the open preparation for a coup to be
staged by the top leadership of Fateh (and in the case of
Israel allowing weapons' transfers to Palestinian Authority
[PA] President Mahmoud Abbas's Praetorian Guard), but so are
the intelligence services of a number of Israel-and
US-friendly Arab countries whose intelligence services have
set up shop openly in Ramallah more recently, making their
longstanding and major, though understated, involvement in
running the Palestinian territories more open and shameless.
Indeed the intelligence "delegation" of one such Arab
country has rented out a multi-story building in Ramallah to
conduct their operations there.
Israel has helped this effort all along by kidnapping and
arresting Fateh members who resist the collaborationist
policies of the top leadership. As for the leadership
itself, it has periodically purged members of Fateh who
oppose its policies, and marginalised those in the Diaspora
who continue to resist them. The Fateh/PA coup leaders
consist of Abbas and the ruling triumvirate of Mohamed
Dahlan, Yasser Abd Rabbo, and Nabil Amr. The profiles of
these three make them well suited for the tasks ahead.
Dahlan is universally known as America's and Israel's main
corrupt military man on the ground. Abd Rabbo (aka Yasser
Abd Yasser, literally "Yasser worshipper of Yasser" on
account of his subservience to Arafat) is the architect of
the Geneva accords, which recognise Israel's right to be a
racist Jewish state as legitimate and reject the right of
Palestinian refugees to return as illegitimate. He recently
upheld the Israeli position when fighting with the Qatari
foreign minister and his staff during the latter's visit to
the occupied territories. Amr is the former PA information
minister, and a former visiting fellow at the Israel lobby
think tank the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. He
is also the speechwriter for Abbas and Dahlan.
Abbas and these three have undertaken not only to launch
massive strikes by the Fateh security thugs that they have
armed to police the territories on behalf of Israel, and
strikes by the bureaucracy that staffs the PA ministries,
but also have coerced large numbers of Palestinians,
including teachers and professors, under the force of guns,
to uphold a strike against Hamas, when most of them had
voted for Hamas in the first place and refuse to strike.
Palestinians who have fought for decades to keep their
schools and universities open against Israeli draconian
closures and suspension of Palestinian education, are now
forced by Fateh and its armed thugs to stop the Palestinian
educational process with strikes against Hamas, and threaten
to shoot people if they refuse to follow Fateh's coup
directives.
In addition, Abbas and the Fateh/PA triumvirate have
organised demonstrations in Ramallah by middle-class
Palestinians, including housewives, who brought out their
pots and pans, in a scene borrowed from 1973 Santiago, in
demonstrations against Hamas. The Fateh-controlled press,
especially Al-Ayyam is fomenting major anti-Hamas propaganda
campaign in preparation for the coup and is thus playing the
same role as El Mercurio did in Chile. Al-Ayyam is aided in
its efforts by the anti-Hamas secular Palestinian
intelligentsia, most of whose members are on the payroll of
the bankrollers of the Oslo process and its NGOs. These old
leftist Palestinians, like their counterparts in Lebanon,
are better known today as the right-wing left, as they take
up right-wing positions while insisting that they are still
leftists based on positions they had held in the 1980s or
earlier.
The plan is that the Fateh/PA rulers would do their utmost
to provoke Hamas to start the war at which point Fateh, with
the aid of the intelligence services of friendly Arab
countries, as well as assistance from Israel and the US,
would crush Hamas and take over. Indeed, the first
unsuccessful round took place when the Israeli government
kidnapped a third of the Hamas government, both cabinet
ministers and parliament members, and placed them in Israeli
jails. This was not sufficient to bring Hamas down, and not
for lack of help that Fateh rendered the Israeli occupiers.
Aside from the initial burning of the Legislative Council
building, Fateh thugs have also burned the prime minister's
office, shot at his car, burned offices in different
ministries several times, harassed and threatened Hamas
ministers and parliamentarians whom Israel failed to kidnap
and arrest, refused to allow the government ministries to
operate, and so forth. Hamas however, is wisely adamant that
it will respond by force only when Fateh launches an all-out
war to bring about its planned coup, but not before.
Fateh's planned coup is not only based on the popularity of
Hamas and its electoral victory but also on Hamas's
increased ability to defend itself against Fateh forces. If
the US and Israel armed Fateh thugs under Arafat's
leadership to crush the first Palestinian Intifada and any
remaining resistance to the occupation since 1994, today,
Hamas is almost as well- armed as Fateh forces and can
defend the rights of the Palestinians to resist the Israeli
occupation and the well-armed Palestinian collaborators that
help to enforce it. This is where the situation today
differs measurably from that of the mid-1990s. To offset
this new balance of forces, the United States government,
according to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, has been
training Abbas's Praetorian Guard in Jericho for over a
month with American, British, Egyptian, and Jordanian
military instructors, and is providing arms to them in
preparation for the confrontation with Hamas. The Israeli
cabinet in turn has recently approved the transfer of
thousands of rifles from Egypt and Jordan to Abbas's forces.
The Israelis also approved a US request that Israel allow
the Badr Brigade -- part of the Palestine Liberation Army
currently stationed in Jordan -- to deploy in Gaza. These
steps have been conceived by General Keith Dayton, the
American security coordinator in the occupied territories,
who wants the Badr Brigade to function as Abbas's "rapid
reaction force in Gaza". As a possible step to increase its
security and military roles in the occupied territories, the
Jordanian government recently established a legal committee
to review the provisions of Jordan's decision to "disengage"
from the West Bank announced on 31 July 1988, effectively
suggesting the possibility of a reversal of part or all of
these provisions. More recently, the Israelis intensified
their bombings and killings in Gaza, most recently in Beit
Hanoun murdering over 50 Palestinians in a few days.
Mahmoud Abbas and his ruling triumvirate are reticent at the
moment to start an open war for fear of a public backlash.
They prefer to remove Hamas through imposing a "national
unity" government that would undercut Hamas gradually and
peacefully. However, Abbas and his triumvirate are quickly
losing patience. Indeed, in a hastily-arranged meeting of
the Diaspora-based Fateh Central Committee set to convene in
Amman three weeks ago to ratify the coup plans, members of
the committee opposed Abbas's US and Israel-supported coup,
which forced Abbas to cancel the meeting altogether claiming
falsely lack of quorum as the reason. This speaks to Abbas's
desperation in engineering the coup without adequate
preparation. Indeed, rumour has it across the occupied
territories that the desperate attacks committed recently
against Palestinian Christian churches were the work of
undercover thugs. Those who sent them want Palestinian
Christians and the world at large to think that these were
Hamas acts in response to the pope's racist pronouncements
against Islam. Hamas duly condemned the attacks. Few in the
occupied territories believe that Hamas was behind them and
most know that they were the work of undercover agents.
The Fateh plan is simple: where Israel and its Lebanese
allies failed to crush Hizbullah in the Sixth war, Fateh and
its Israeli allies will succeed in crushing Hamas, even if
the ongoing Israeli war against Hamas and the Palestinian
people becomes an all-out Seventh war. The flurry of visits
by Condoleezza Rice to the area in the last few weeks hoped
to put the final touches on this plan. If Hamas, like
Hizbullah, could be provoked into a military response, the
coup planners believe, then Fateh's and Israel's wrath
(backed by the US, Jordan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia) would be
unleashed to finish Hamas off. The Fateh leadership and its
thugs are sharpening their knives for the showdown. Hamas
has remained calm despite the pressure.
In the meantime, Ramallah proper (excluding the surrounding
villages), continues to be what many now refer to as the
Palestinian Green Zone, sheltering, in addition to the
intelligence staff of Israel and Israel-friendly Arab
countries, those Palestinians who are paid and protected by
the Oslo process, whether the Oslo bureaucracy, its
technicians, and hired intellectuals, or the business and
middle classes recently habituated to the new name-brand
consumerism that the Green Zone can offer. This opulent life
contrasts with the life of the rest of the Palestinians
outside Ramallah who live in misery, hunger, and under the
bombardment of the Israelis and the attacks of savage Jewish
colonial settlers, not to mention the harassment by Fateh
thugs. In Ramallah itself, the trigger-happy thugs shoot at
random during their demonstrations, injuring and sometimes
killing passers by "in error". Even the few secular
intellectuals who deign to oppose Fateh inside Ramallah are
harassed in different ways. Some of them experience
mysterious robberies that are repeated every time they make
anti-Fateh statements. The preservation of Ramallah as the
Green Zone is paramount to Abbas and the Fateh/PA
triumvirate, whose fear of any reform introduced by Hamas
would strip the elite of the benefits of corruption and the
dolce vita that Fateh-rule has ensured for them.
Meanwhile, Abbas and his triumvirate will continue to treat
Hamas the way Israel has treated the PLO and other Arab
countries all along. In the interminable negotiations that
Hamas held with Fateh to avert a showdown, whenever Hamas
would agree to a Fateh demand, Fateh would up the ante and
insist on another concession or claim that its initial
demands always included the now expanded terms, even though
they did not. Moreover, Fateh would also publicly interpret
Hamas's concessions as having included things that Hamas had
not agreed to at all. If this is reminiscent of the
post-Oslo negotiating strategy that the Israelis used
successfully with Arafat, this is because it is the same
strategy. Abbas has gone so far as to walk away from
negotiations, and refuse to speak to Hamas leaders, just as
the Israelis have done often with the PA. Moreover, if the
Israelis would often carry undercover attacks against
Western interests to implicate Arab governments, the
clearest example being the infamous Lavon Affair of the
mid-1950s targeting Egypt, similar operations are being
committed to implicate Hamas by undercover agents, like the
recent example of the attacks on the churches illustrates.
There may be many more such operations being planned.
Whatever fig leaf still covered the Fateh leadership's
complete collaboration and subservience to Israeli interests
has now fallen off. As a result, there is very little left
that can restrain Fateh's actions. The next few weeks will
be decided by how much Fateh leaders are itching for a fight
to save their skins and fortunes, and how much patience
Hamas can muster in the face of so much thuggery. In the
meantime, what has been unfolding in the Palestinian
territories is nothing short of the Chilean script.
Pinochet is in Palestine. His success however remains far
from certain.
Joseph Massad
is associate professor of modern Arab politics and
intellectual history at Columbia University. His recent book
The Persistence of the Palestinian Question was
published by Routledge.
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