Banality and barefaced lies
Here in America, I stare at the land in which I live and
see a landscape I do not recognise
By Robert Fisk
12/23/06 "The
Independent" -- --
I call it the Alice in Wonderland effect. Each time I
tour the United States, I stare through the looking
glass at the faraway region in which I live and work for
The Independent - the Middle East - and see a landscape
which I do no recognise, a distant tragedy turned, here
in America, into a farce of hypocrisy and banality and
barefaced lies. Am I the Cheshire Cat? Or the Mad
Hatter?
I picked up Jimmy Carter's new book, Palestine: Peace
Not Apartheid at San Francisco airport, and zipped
through it in a day. It's a good, strong read by the
only American president approaching sainthood. Carter
lists the outrageous treatment meted out to the
Palestinians, the Israeli occupation, the dispossession
of Palestinian land by Israel, the brutality visited
upon this denuded, subject population, and what he calls
"a system of apartheid, with two peoples occupying the
same land but completely separated from each other, with
Israelis totally dominant and suppressing violence by
depriving Palestinians of their basic human rights".
Carter quotes an Israeli as saying he is "afraid that we
are moving towards a government like that of South
Africa, with a dual society of Jewish rulers and Arabs
subjects with few rights of citizenship...". A proposed
but unacceptable modification of this choice, Carter
adds, "is the taking of substantial portions of the
occupied territory, with the remaining Palestinians
completely surrounded by walls, fences, and Israeli
checkpoints, living as prisoners within the small
portion of land left to them".
Needless to say, the American press and television
largely ignored the appearance of this eminently
sensible book - until the usual Israeli lobbyists began
to scream abuse at poor old Jimmy Carter, albeit that he
was the architect of the longest lasting peace treaty
between Israel and an Arab neighbour - Egypt - secured
with the famous 1978 Camp David accords. The New York
Times ("All the News That's Fit to Print", ho! ho!) then
felt free to tell its readers that Carter had stirred "furore
among Jews" with his use of the word "apartheid". The
ex-president replied by mildly (and rightly) pointing
out that Israeli lobbyists had produced among US
editorial boards a "reluctance to criticise the Israeli
government".
Typical of the dirt thrown at Carter was the comment by
Michael Kinsley in The New York Times (of course) that
Carter "is comparing Israel to the former white racist
government of South Africa". This was followed by a
vicious statement from Abe Foxman of the Anti-Defamation
League, who said that the reason Carter gave for writing
this book "is this shameless, shameful canard that the
Jews control the debate in this country, especially when
it comes to the media. What makes this serious is that
he's not just another pundit, and he's not just another
analyst. He is a former president of the United States".
But well, yes, that's the point, isn't it? This is no
tract by a Harvard professor on the power of the lobby.
It's an honourable, honest account by a friend of Israel
as well as the Arabs who just happens to be a fine
American ex-statesman. Which is why Carter's book is now
a best-seller - and applause here, by the way, for the
great American public that bought the book instead of
believing Mr Foxman.
But in this context, why, I wonder, didn't The New York
Times and the other gutless mainstream newspapers in the
United States mention Israel's cosy relationship with
that very racist apartheid regime in South Africa which
Carter is not supposed to mention in his book? Didn't
Israel have a wealthy diamond trade with sanctioned,
racist South Africa? Didn't Israel have a fruitful and
deep military relationship with that racist regime? Am I
dreaming, looking-glass-like, when I recall that in
April of 1976, Prime Minister John Vorster of South
Africa - one of the architects of this vile Nazi-like
system of apartheid - paid a state visit to Israel and
was honoured with an official reception from Israeli
prime minister Menachem Begin, war hero Moshe Dayan and
future Nobel prize-winner Yitzhak Rabin? This of course,
certainly did not become part of the great American
debate on Carter's book.
At Detroit airport, I picked up an even slimmer volume,
the Baker-Hamilton Iraq Study Group Report - which
doesn't really study Iraq at all but offers a few bleak
ways in which George Bush can run away from this
disaster without too much blood on his shirt. After
chatting to the Iraqis in the green zone of Baghdad -
dream zone would be a more accurate title - there are a
few worthy suggestions (already predictably rejected by
the Israelis): a resumption of serious
Israeli-Palestinian peace talks, an Israeli withdrawal
from Golan, etc. But it's written in the same tired
semantics of right-wing think tanks - the language, in
fact, of the discredited Brookings Institution and of my
old mate, the messianic New York Times columnist Tom
Friedman - full of "porous" borders and admonitions that
"time is running out".
The clue to all this nonsense, I discovered, comes at
the back of the report where it lists the "experts"
consulted by Messrs Baker, Hamilton and the rest. Many
of them are pillars of the Brookings Institution and
there is Thomas Freedman of The New York Times.
But for sheer folly, it was impossible to beat the
post-Baker debate among the great and the good who
dragged the United States into this catastrophe. General
Peter Pace, the extremely odd chairman of the US joint
chiefs of staff, said of the American war in Iraq that
"we are not winning, but we are not losing". Bush's new
defence secretary, Robert Gates, announced that he
"agreed with General Pace that we are not winning, but
we are not losing". Baker himself jumped into the same
nonsense pool by asserting: "I don't think you can say
we're losing. By the same token (sic), I'm not sure
we're winning." At which point, Bush proclaimed this
week that - yes - "we're not winning, we're not losing".
Pity about the Iraqis.
I pondered this madness during a bout of severe
turbulence at 37,000 feet over Colorado. And that's when
it hit me, the whole final score in this unique round of
the Iraq war between the United States of America and
the forces of evil. It's a draw!
© 2006 Independent News and Media Limited
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