Sharon v. Blair
By Aluf Benn
There is a great deal of hypocrisy in Israel's
criticism of the European position in the Middle East. Foreign
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the senior ranks in his ministry
mobilized to refute the link the leaders of the European Union created
between the crisis in Iraq and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Netanyahu wrote to his 15 European colleagues and warned them against
tying the two issues together. But the connection between Iraq and the
Palestinians was, in fact, created by Israel.
It is difficult to find a senior Israeli minister, officer or official
that has not declared in recent months that the war with Iraq will
make it possible to remove Yasser Arafat and renew the peace process
from a position of advantage.
The Israeli criticism has different motives. Now, at the head of his
new government, Ariel Sharon is setting out on a new campaign to do
away with the "road map." He is aiming for a new
understanding with the United States to replace the one tainted by
European influence. In the Prime Minister's Office and the Israel
Defense Forces, the "road map" is viewed as a flawed
document, born out of American lip service to the Europeans and Arabs,
who take exception to the attack on Saddam Hussein.
With the help of his friends in the White House, Sharon has managed to
delay publication of the "road map" as an international
program for an imposed settlement. The upcoming war in Iraq has given
him additional time to prepare for the "day after," when he
will try to mobilize Bush for his side.
Sharon's rivals for the president's ear can be found in Europe, not
the Middle East. The Arab world is divided and conflicted, and paying
the price of 9/11 with loss of influence. The United States has
ignored its Arab friends on the way to Iraq. Egyptian President Hosni
Mubarak has been courting Sharon following two years of boycott and
sharp criticism, and is trying to restrain the Palestinians. The
Saudis have begun talking about internal reforms. No Arab leader has
an open door at the White House like that enjoyed by the Israeli
premier. The fear of an American-Saudi understanding to get Israel out
of the territories, like after the 1991 Gulf War, has never seemed
further away.
The place of Mubarak and Crown Prince Abdullah as the patrons of the
Palestinians is now being filled by British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
In Jerusalem, jokes can be heard about the split in the European camp
between supporters and opponents of the United States. But the dispute
exists only surrounding the issue of Iraq. Concerning the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the roles are reversed: Germany and
France are keeping silent; while Britain and Spain want Bush to pad
their support for the attack on Iraq with Israeli concessions -
"Sharon for Saddam."
Spanish Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar visited the Bush ranch in
Texas on the weekend and spent hours trying to convince the president
to advance the "road map." The American administration
refused to commit itself. Blair's special envoy, Lord Michael Levy,
traveled to Washington last week and met with Elliot Abrams, who holds
the Middle East portfolio in the National Security Council. Levy
passed on a message from the Palestinians and asked the United States
to respond favorably to the appointment of a Palestinian prime
minister, even if he seems to be an Arafat man. Abrams listened
attentively, but projected a lack of urgency to become involved in the
conflict. The British got the impression that the publication of the
"road map" would have to wait until after the war.
The influence of the Europeans is limited. France and Germany will not
support the war in Iraq even in return for a Palestinian flag on the
Temple Mount, and Bush has not promised them anything. Britain, Spain
and Italy will go with Bush, regardless of Sharon's concessions. And
this is why the Americans have no real reason to pressure the prime
minister now. The question is whether Bush will have to repay
diplomatic debts to those leaders that supported him.
Israeli sources believe that the purpose of the British intervention
on behalf of the Palestinians is to pacify Blair's rivals from the
British left, and will lose its momentum after the war. Israeli
officials have refrained from leveling criticism at the British prime
minister; and here and there, words of praise can be heard. This is
apparently a sign for the future. In the coming weeks, Sharon will try
to neutralize, or at least mitigate, Blair's influence on his American
ally.
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