The Bombing of the Golden
Dome Mosque; one year later
By Mike Whitney
02/12/07 "ICH" - -- - According to the Muslim calendar,
today--February 12--is the one year anniversary of the
bombing of Samarra’s Golden Dome Mosque. The blast is
frequently pointed to as the event which transformed the
conflict from an armed struggle against foreign
occupation into a civil war. This change in the
narrative has had some real benefits for the Bush
administration by diverting attention from the nonstop
fighting between American troops and the Sunni-led
resistance.
The notion that Iraq is in the throes of civil war is
rarely challenged in the western media despite the fact
that Iraq has no history of the type of sectarian
violence which is now ripping the country apart. Veteran
journalist Robert Fisk put it this way:
“Iraq is not a sectarian society. People are
intermarried. Shiites and Sunnis marry each other…Some
from the militias and death squads want a civil war
(but) there has never been a civil war in Iraq. The real
question I ask myself is: who are these people who are
trying to provoke a civil war? The Americans will say
that it’s al Qaida or the Sunni insurgents; it is the
death squads. Many of the death squads work for the
Ministry of Interior? Who pays the militia men who make
up the death squads? We do; the occupation authorities.”
(Robert Fisk, “Somebody is trying to provoke a Civil War
in Iraq”)
So, if we accept the idea that Iraq is in a civil war,
aren’t we ignoring the fact that other forces may be at
play just below the surface?
There’s no doubt that the Bush administration is engaged
in a secret war in Iraq. A great deal has already been
written about “the Salvador Option” which involves the
arming and training of death squads for spreading terror
among sympathizers of the resistance. But it is also
likely that many of the bombings we see are, in fact,
false flag operations intended to pit Arab against Arab,
and thereby undermine the greatest threat of all, Iraqi
nationalism.
False flag operations are commonplace in foreign
occupation. Robert Fisk cites a few examples in his
article, “All This Talk of Civil War, Now This” (UK
Independent, 2006):
“I think of the French OAS in Algeria in 1962, setting
off bombs among France's Muslim Algerian community. I
recall the desperate efforts of the French authorities
to set Algerian Muslim against Algerian Muslim which led
to half a million dead souls.
And I'm afraid I also think of Ireland and the bombings
in Dublin and Monaghan in 1974, which, as the years go
by, appear to have an ever closer link, via Protestant
"loyalist" paramilitaries, to elements of British
military security.”
It’s impossible to know how much of the violence we see
is real and how much is “black-ops”. Divide and rule is
an adage that is as old as war itself and it is
certainly being used in Iraq. In fact, the Bush
administration commissioned the Rand Corporation to draw
up a plan which promotes this very strategy.
The Rand Study was called: “US Strategy in the Muslim
World after 9-11”. The document provided “A framework to
identify major ideological orientations within Islam,
examines critical cleavages between Muslim groups.” The
goal of the paper was to develop a Shaping Strategy for
pacifying Muslim populations where the US has commercial
or strategic interests. The conclusions of the document
are enlightening. Rand suggests the US, “Align its
policy with Shiite groups who aspire to have more
participation in government and greater freedoms of
political and religious expression. If this alignment
can be brought about, it could erect a barrier against
radical Islamic movements and may create a foundation
for a stable U.S. position in the Middle East.”
Clearly, the administration is following the
recommendations Rand study and has decided elevate the
Shiites over the previously dominant Sunnis.
The Bush administration also appears to be applying
parts of another theory which was conjured up by the
fiercely nationalistic, Oded Yinon, in his “The Zionist
Plan for the Middle East”. Yinon said:
"It is obvious that the above military assumptions, and
the whole plan too, depend also on the Arabs continuing
to be even more divided than they are now, and on the
lack of any truly mass movement among them... Every kind
of inter-Arab confrontation will assist us in the short
run and will shorten the way to the more important aim
of breaking Iraq up into denominations as in Syria and
Lebanon... Syria will fall apart."
Similar to the Rand study’s recommendations, Yinon’s
strategy is to pit Sunni against Shiite in a way that
destroys Arab unity and to leaves the country weak and
fragmented.
Again, there’s nothing new in these theories, but we
should realize that much of the media narrative is
crafted in a way that conceals the truth while promoting
the objectives of the US occupation. Beyond the
smokescreen of “civil war” (some of which is real, of
course) is a coherent and carefully articulated plan to
quash the resistance and steal Iraq’s resources. That is
the real force which is generating much of the violence
that we see on the ground.
In practical terms, Robert Fisk provides a credible
description of how these black-ops are executed in Iraq.
In his article, “Seen through a Syrian Lens” (UK
Independent 4-29-06) the Fisk gives the details of a
conversation he had with a trusted “security source” who
told Fisk that: (the US) “is desperately trying to
provoke a civil war around Baghdad in order to reduce
its own military casualties.”
"I swear to you that we have very good information,"
Fisk recounts, "One young Iraqi man told us that he was
trained by the Americans as a policeman in Baghdad and
he spent 70 per cent of his time learning to drive and
30 per cent in weapons training. They said to him: 'Come
back in a week.' When he went back, they gave him a
mobile phone and told him to drive into a crowded area
near a mosque and phone them. He waited in the car but
couldn't get the right mobile signal. So he got out of
the car to where he received a better signal. Then his
car blew up."
As incredible as it seems, Fisk assures us that he’s
heard the same story many times from different sources.
Again:
"There was another man, trained by the Americans for the
police. He too was given a mobile and told to drive to
an area where there was a crowd - maybe a protest - and
to call them and tell them what was happening. Again,
his new mobile was not working. So he went to a landline
phone and called the Americans and told them: 'Here I
am, in the place you sent me and I can tell you what's
happening here.' And at that moment there was a big
explosion in his car."
Fisk is a hardnosed journalist not easily given to
exaggeration. His account of these incidents simply adds
to the growing body of “hearsay” evidence that US
intelligence agencies are directly involved in inciting
sectarian violence. These stories cannot be
corroborated, but, of course, that hasn’t stopped many
Iraqis from believing that the US is behind the daily
bombings.
Of course, the question of “who” is funding and
facilitating the terrorism in Iraq presents a serious
challenge to an administration that has based its
foreign policy in terms of a war on terror. Public
support would quickly erode if the American people knew
that Bush was directly involved in the same activities
as our nemesis, al Qaida.
Traditionally, the United States has no problem
supporting Islamic extremists as long as they serve our
overall foreign policy objectives. The CIA funded the
mujahideen in Afghanistan, the KLA (Kosovo Liberation
Army) in Kosovo, and now provides material support and
weaponry to the MEK Mujahideen-e- Khalq; a Marxist
militant group which is on the State Dept list of
terrorist organizations. What matters is not ideology
but whether or not the groups can advance Washington’s
imperial aspirations.
This demonstrates that Bush’s finger-wagging against
“ideological extremism” or “radical Islam” is just more
empty rhetoric. Ideology plays a very small part in the
current war. Dick Cheney’s comments in a speech to the
Institute of Petroleum in London in 1999 may shed a bit
of light on this point. He said, “By 2010 we will need
on the order of an additional fifty million barrels a
day. So where is the oil going to come from? ... While
many regions of the world offer great oil opportunities,
the Middle East with two thirds of the world's oil and
the lowest cost, is still where the prize ultimately
lies."
While depletion of oil reserves have accelerated beyond
Cheney’s expectations at the time ;( the world’s 4
largest oil fields are in a state of irreversible
decline) the facts remain the same. The world is running
out of oil and the US intends to deploy its military to
seize vital reserves wherever they may be. The war on
terror is simply the mask that conceals this ongoing
struggle.
The Bush administration seems less and less concerned
that their “divide and rule” strategy remains hidden
from the public. There’ve been a number of articles in
the mainstream press about Bush’s $86 million gift to
Mahmoud Abbas’ to train and equip special shock-troops
to crush the democratically-elected Hamas government.
And, there’s been ample coverage of the CIA’s covert
operations in Lebanon that are directed against
Hezbollah. The only conclusion we can draw from this, is
that Bush really doesn’t care anymore if the world knows
that the US is purposely fueling the anarchy which is
quickly spreading across the entire Middle East. (The
latest accusation that Iran is supplying roadside bombs
to the Iraqi resistance just shows how sloppy the
administration has gotten in managing its propaganda.
Iran, of course, is Shiite, whereas, the Iraqi
resistance is predominantly Sunni. The likelihood that
Iran is providing roadside bombs to the former members
of Saddam’s army is remote to say the least.)
Bush’s “dirty war” in Iraq has become increasingly
violent and confused. The neocon trust in “creative
destruction” has succeeded in fragmenting Iraqi society,
but the long-term prospects for normalization (or
resource extraction) appear bleak. At this point, it
seems irrelevant whether the bombing of the Golden-dome
Mosque was the work of Sunni extremists or the US
intelligence agencies. After all, propaganda may be
useful for shaping public opinion but it cannot win
wars. And that is the dilemma that Bush now faces.
It has been exactly one year since the Askirya Mosque
was flattened. Most Americans now believe that we are
mired in an "unwinnable" war. Public support is eroding,
the violence is escalating, the administration is
drifting sideways, and the end is nowhere in sight. The
inability of the administration to think politically or
change course has thrust America to the brink of its
worst defeat in history.