The Dirty Word
THERE NEVER was a darker Middle East summit meeting. The
darkest there can be.
By Uri Avnery
07/02/07 "ICH" -- -- -The four leaders at Sharm al-Sheik did
not sit together at an intimate round table. Each one sat
alone behind a huge table of his own. That ensured a
striking separation between them. The four long tables
hardly touched. Each one of the leaders, with his assistants
behind him, sat like a solitary island in a vast sea.
All four - Hosni Mubarak, King Abdallah of Jordan, Ehud
Olmert and Mahmoud Abbas - bore a severe countenance.
Throughout the official part of the conference, not a single
smile could be seen.
One after the other, the four delivered their monologues. An
exercise in shallow hypocrisy, in empty deceit. Not one of
the four raised himself above the murky puddle of
sanctimonious phrases.
A short monologue from Mubarak. A short monologue from
Abdallah. A medium-length monologue from Abbas. An
interminably long monologue from Olmert - a typical Israeli
speech, overbearing, educating the whole world, sermonizing
and dripping with morality. Held, of course, in Hebrew, with
the obvious aim of appealing to the home public.
The speech included all the required phrases - Our soul
longs for peace, The vision of two states, We do not want to
rule over another people, For the good of coming
generations, bla-bla-bla. All in standard colonial style:
Olmert even talked about "Judea and Samaria", using the
official terminology of the occupation.
But in order to "strengthen" Abbas, Olmert addressed him as
"President" and not as "Chairman", which has been the de
rigueur title used by all Israeli representatives since the
establishment of the Palestinian Authority. (The wise men of
Oslo circumvented this difficulty by referring -in all three
languages - to the head of the Authority by the Arab title
of Ra'is, which can mean both president and chairman.
And the word that did not appear throughout this long
monologue?
"Occupation".
OCCUPATION? What occupation? Where occupation? Anybody seen
any occupation?
The occupation was not on the agenda of this dark summit.
Even in their wildest dreams, the Arab participants could
not imagine anything more wonderful than "easing the
restrictions". Making life a little bit less difficult for
the suffering population. Giving back the Palestinian tax
revenues. (That is to say, Israel may give back some of the
money it has pocketed.) Moving some of the roadblocks that
prevent people from going from one village to the next.
(That has already been promised many times and will not
happen this time either, because the army and the Shin Bet
object. Olmert has already announced that it is impossible
for "security reasons".)
With the air of a Sultan throwing coins to the paupers in
the street, Olmert announced his intention of releasing some
Fatah prisoners. 250 coins, 250 prisoners. That was the
"generous gift" that was to make the Palestinians jump for
joy, "strengthen" Abbas and awaken to new life the dry bones
of his organization.
If Olmert had not been sitting so far away from Abbas, he
could just as well have spat in his face.
First at all, the number is ridiculous. There are now about
10,000 (ten thousand) Palestinian "security" prisoners in
Israeli prisons. Every night, about a dozen more are being
taken from their homes. Since there is no more room in the
prison facilities, the wardens will be pleased to get rid of
some inmates. In previous gestures of this nature, the
Israeli government has set free prisoners whose term was
nearing the end anyhow, and car thieves.
Second, fraternization between Fatah and Hamas is well
established in prison. The violent struggle in Gaza has not
been projected into the prisons. The famous "prisoners'
document", which laid the foundation for the (now defunct)
Unity Government, was worked out jointly by Fatah and Hamas
prisoners.
Olmert's announcement of his readiness to release Fatah -
and only Fatah - prisoners is designed to sabotage this
unity. It could stigmatize the Fatah people as
collaborators, and Abbas as a leader who is concerned only
with the members of his own organization, not giving a damn
for the others.
SO WHAT did come out of this summit conference? Some say:
zero plus, some say: zero minus. No wonder that the Arab
participants looked so somber.
What was it good for? Abbas was in need of strengthening
after losing the Gaza Strip. Olmert promised the Americans
to strengthen him. But after the conference, Olmert could
have used the phrase customarily uttered by Israeli leaders
visiting bereaved families: "I came to strengthen, but it is
I who have been strengthened."
The sole winner was Olmert. The conference has proved that
Mubarak's and Abdallah's influence on Israel is nil, and
that Abbas' position is even worse.
To eliminate any doubt about this, Olmert sent the army at
once into the kasbah of Nablus, the heart of Abbas' virtual
kingdom, in order to "arrest" the leaders of the military
arm of Fatah. They put up determined resistance, wounding
several soldiers. A lieutenant lost a hand and a leg. In
another incursion, this time into Gaza, 13 Palestinians were
killed, including a boy of 9. According to the official
version, the aim was to throw the militants off balance so
that they would feel hunted.
If this is not occupation, what is it? But God forbid that
anyone mention this word in diplomatic discourse - the ten
letters that have turned into an obscenity. A ten-letter
word that has become taboo in polite society.
THE DISAPPEARANCE of the occupation as a subject for
discussion is the real message of the conference. All the
arrangements and ceremonies were designed to create the
false impression that Olmert and Abbas were the heads of two
states conducting negotiations on the basis of equality -
rather than the leader of an occupying power and a
representative of the occupied population.
That is true for all the discourse about the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict at this stage: the world has
become so used to the occupation that its very existence has
ceased to be a subject for discussion.
That is also evident in the daily reporting on the conflict
in the Israeli and foreign media. They report on what's
happening - the Gaza take-over by Hamas, the actions of the
Israeli army, the problems of Abbas, the decisions of the
Israeli government - without the context of the occupation.
As if the occupation, with all its killing, destroying,
depriving and dispossessing, were a natural phenomenon like
the light of the sun during the day or the twinkling of the
stars at night.
There are many subjects that are being discussed, such as:
whether to ease the situation of the Palestinians or to
increase their misery, whether to allow Abbas' policemen to
move freely with their weapons in the West Bank towns to try
and eliminate the militias that fight against Israel,
whether to enlarge the settlements or not. But all these
discussions are based on the unquestioned assumption that
the occupation is there forever.
All the talk about "strengthening" is conducted in this
context: Abbas and his people are supposed to function as an
administration under occupation. According to Olmert's and
Bush's perception, their job is to fulfill the orders of the
occupation, in return for their own money and perhaps some
small arms. Incidentally, that is very similar to the
"autonomy" promised by Menachem Begin to the "Arab
inhabitants of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District". Olmert
is quite ready to talk about the "Two-State Solution" - much
talk, with a lot of bloated words and pathos - while doing
everything possible in practice to prevent this "vision"
from being realized before the coming of the Messiah.
INTO THIS reality Tony Blair is now stepping.
He is being sent by the Quartet - something that does not
really exist, a diplomatic fiction of four that are one.
Europe does not exist as far as the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict is concerned, except as a financial instrument of
the White House. When the President of the USA wants it,
Europe sends alms to the Palestinians (and arms to Israel).
When the President of the USA wants to starve the
Palestinians, Europe imposes a blockade on them.
The UN has long ago become an instrument of the US
Department of State, especially in the Middle East. When the
American drill sergeant shouts, the UN jumps to attention or
stands at ease.
Russia dreams of regaining the status of a Great Power. As
in the days of the Czars and Stalin, it thinks in terms of
"spheres of influence". The Middle East is an American
sphere of influence. Therefore, Russia will not interfere,
except by mouthing high-sounding phrases.
The Quartet is simply an American front organization. And
Tony Blair is sent to Palestine as a special envoy of
President Bush. The master sends his poodle.
What for? If Bush really wanted to realize his "Vision" of
two states, he wouldn't need Blair. He could do it all alone
in a matter of weeks. Even poor Condoleezza could do it,
instead of babbling about preparing final-status plans and
pigeon holing them, if only she were backed by the
determined will of the President.
So what is Blair's appointment for? Is it only to give some
status to a redundant international star? To give a
consolation prize to somebody who loyally lied and cheated
for Bush before and during the Iraq war?
Yes, of course. But his main task is to draw out
developments and gain time, to postpone everything, to
foster make-belief activity, to provide the Palestinians and
the world media with an illusion of progress.
Blair will come, meet, make declarations, ooze charm from
every pore, generate headlines, fly, come back, make more
announcements, meet again with kings, presidents and prime
ministers. A long tail of news-thirsty journalists will
follow him everywhere, generate media noise, write, tape and
take pictures, as if he were a male Paris Hilton.
Meanwhile Palestinians and Israelis will keep dying, the
wall will be finished, more land will be expropriated,
settlements will be enlarged, targeted "terrorists" will be
killed, the blockade on Gaza will be tightened, and all the
hundred and one daily activities of the occupation will go
on, the occupation that dares not speak its name.
The declared task of Blair, too, is to "strengthen Abbas".
Woe to the task. Woe to Blair. Woe in particular to Abbas.
Uri Avnery is an Israeli writer and peace activist with
Gush Shalom. He is one of the writers featured in The Other
Israel: Voices of Dissent and Refusal
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