Bush's
Real Agenda in Palestine
By Ramzy Baroud
07/28/07 "ICH"
--- - The Hamas government crackdown on Mohamed Dahlan's
corrupt security forces and affiliated gangs in the Gaza
Strip in June appears to mark a turning point in the Bush
administration's foreign policy regarding Palestine and
Israel. The supposed shift, however, is nothing but a
continuation of Washington's efforts to stifle Palestinian
democracy, to widen the chasm separating Hamas and Fatah,
and to ensure the success of the Israeli project, which is
focussed on colonising and annexing what remains of
Palestinian land.
It's vital that we keep this seemingly obvious reality at
the forefront of any political discussion dealing with the
conflict: the occupied Palestinian territories represent a
mere 22 per cent of historic Palestine. Currently, Israel is
on a quest to reduce this even further by officially
conquering the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem. Gaza
is only relevant to this issue insofar as it represents a
golden opportunity to divide Palestinians further, to
confuse their national project and to present a grim picture
of them as an unruly people who cannot be trusted as peace
partners to the far more civilised and democratic Israelis.
By prolonging Gazan strife, thus the Palestinian split,
Israel will acquire the time required to consolidate its
colonial project, and to further rationalise its unilateral
policies vis-à-vis matters that should, naturally, be
negotiated with the Palestinians.
Moreover, one must not lose sight of the regional context.
The Israeli lobby and its neo- conservative allies in the US
administration and in the media are eager for a military
showdown with Iran, which would weaken Syria's political
standing in any future negotiation with Israel in regards to
the occupied Golan Heights, and which would obliterate the
military strength of Hizbullah, proven to be the toughest
enemy Israel has ever faced in its decades-long conflict
with the Arabs.
Thus, its was of paramount importance for Hamas's "rise" to
be linked directly to its relations with Iran; such ties,
although greatly exaggerated, are now readily used as a
rationale to explain Bush's seemingly historic move from
backing Israel from a discreet distance (so as not to appear
too involved) to initiating an international peace
conference aimed solely at isolating Hamas, which would
further weaken the Iranian camp in the Middle East.
It also explains the abundant support offered by autocratic
Arab regimes to Abbas, and Arab leaders' warnings about the
rise of an Iranian menace. On the one hand, eliminating
Hamas would send an unambiguous message to their own
political Islamists; on the other, it's a message to Iran to
back off from a conflict that has long been seen as
exclusively Arab-Israeli. The irony is that to ensure the
relevance of the Arab role in the conflict, some Arabs are
making historic moves to normalise with Israel, and in
return for nothing.
Similarly, to ensure its own relevance, Abbas's Fatah is
actively coordinating with Israel to destroy its formidable
opponent, which represents the great majority of
Palestinians in the occupied territories and arguably
abroad. For this, assistance is required: money to ensure
the loyalty of his followers, weapons to oppress his
opponents, political validation to legitimise himself as a
world leader, and new laws to de-legitimise the legal,
democratic process that produced the Hamas victory of
January 2006. In a conflict that is known for its
agonisingly slow movement, nothing short of a miracle can
explain how Abbas received all of these perks at an
astronomical speed.
The moment Abbas declared his arguably unconstitutional
emergency government, the suffocating sanctions were lifted
-- or more accurately, on the West Bank only. To ensure that
no aid reaches anyone who defies his regime, Abbas's office
revoked the licences of all NGOs operating in Palestine,
making it necessary for them to submit new applications.
Those loyal to Abbas are in. The rest are out.
Weapons and military training have also arrived in
abundance. Palestinians who have been denied the right to
defend themselves, and for decades described as "terrorist",
are suddenly the recipients of many caches of weapons coming
from all directions. Israel announced a clemency to Fatah
militants; the freedom fighters turned gangsters will no
longer defend their people against Israeli brutality, but
will be used as a militant arm ready to take on Hamas when
the time comes.
As for regional and international legitimacy, the Bush
administration "decided" to change its policy to one of
direct engagement, calling for an international Middle East
peace conference. The conference will be about peace in name
only, for it will not deal with any of the major grievances
of the Palestinians that have fuelled the conflict for
years, such as the problem of refugees, Jerusalem and the
drawing of borders. Israel is of course willing to "concede"
if these efforts will reframe the conflict as exclusively
Palestinian, and as long as there is no objection to its
illegal annexation of Palestinian land in the West Bank and
Jerusalem.
The reality is that there has been no change in American
foreign policy regarding Palestine. The US, Israel and a few
Arab regimes are pursuing the same old policy, which is
merely being adjusted to fit the new political context.
While Abbas and his men might bask in the many bonuses they
are receiving in exchange for their role in destroying the
Palestinian national project, the future will prove that
Israel's "goodwill gestures", the support of the Israeli
lobby in Washington, and the latter's generosity will not
last. Abbas could as easily find himself a prisoner in the
basement of his own presidential compound, just like his
predecessor, if he dares assert the legitimate rights of his
people, by far the ultimate losers in this shameless battle.
Ramzy Baroud is a Palestinian-American author and editor
of PalestineChronicle.com . His work has been published in
numerous newspapers and journals worldwide, including the
Washington Post, Al Ahram Weekly and Le Monde Diplomatique.
His latest book is The Second Palestinian Intifada: A
Chronicle of a People's Struggle (Pluto Press, London). Read
more about him on his website:
www.ramzybaroud.net
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