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The Greatest Story Never Told
By Stephen Lendman
09/14/07 "ICH"
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No issue is more sensitive in the US than daring to criticize
Israel. It's the metaphorical "third rail" in American politics,
academia and the major media. Anyone daring to touch it pays
dearly as the few who tried learned. Those in elected office
face an onslaught of attacks and efforts to replace them with
more supportive officials. Former five term Congresswoman
Cynthia McKinney felt its sting twice in 2002 and 2006. So did
10 term Congressman Paul Findley (a fierce and courageous
Israeli critic) in 1982 and three term Senator Charles Percy in
1984 whom AIPAC targeted merely for appearing to support
anti-Israeli policy.
DePaul University Professor Norman Finkelstein has long been a
target as well for his courageous writing and outspokenness.
Depaul formally denied him tenure June 8 even though his
students call him "truly outstanding and among the most
impressive" of all university political science professors. It's
why his Department of Political Science endorsed his tenure bid
stating his academic record "exceeds our department's stated
standards for scholarly production (and) department and outside
experts we consulted recognize the intellectual merits of his
work."
It didn't help, and on August 26 got worse. The university
acknowledged "Professor Finkelstein is a prolific scholar and an
outstanding teacher." Yet it issued a brief statement canceling
his classes and placing him on administrative leave "with full
pay and benefits for the 2007-8 academic year (that) relieves
professors from their teaching responsibilities." For now,
Finkelstein's long struggle with the university ended the first
day of classes, September 5. Both sides agreed to a settlement,
and a planned day of protests was curtailed. But as Chicago
Tribune writer Ron Grossman put it in his September 6 column
headlined "Finkelstein deal ends DePaul tiff....the underlying
struggle between supporters of Israel and champions (like
Finkelstein) of the Palestinians continues, not just at the
North Side campus but across the academic world."
That struggle is nowhere in sight in the dominant media that
includes major print publications, commercial radio, television
and so-called Public Broadcasting and National Public Radio both
of which long ago abandoned the public trust in service to their
corporate and government paymasters.
In all parts of the major media, no Israeli criticism is
tolerated on-air or in print, and any reporter, news anchor,
pundit or on-air guest forgetting the (unwritten) rules, won't
get a second chance. Support for Israel is ironclad, absolute,
and uncompromising on everything including its worst crimes of
war and against humanity. Open debate is stifled, and anyone
daring to dissent or demur is pilloried, ridiculed, called anti-semetic,
even threatened, ostracized, and finally ignored. In his seminal
work on Middle East affairs, "Fateful Triangle," Noam Chomsky
put it this way: "....Israel has been granted a unique immunity
from criticism in mainstream journalism and scholarship...."
Call it the myth of the free press in a nation claiming to have
the freest of all. It's pure fantasy now and in an earlier era,
journalist A.J Liebling said it was only for "those who own(ed)
one." Today, they're giants operating the way Edward Herman and
Noam Chomsky explained in their classic book on the media titled
"Manufacturing Consent." The authors developed their "propaganda
model" to show all news and information passes through a set of
"filters." "Raw material" goes through them, unacceptable parts
are suppressed, and "only the cleansed residue fit to print (and
broadcast on-air)" reaches the public. The New York Times calls
it "All The News That's Fit to Print." By its standard, it means
sanitized news only leaving out the most important parts and
what readers want most - the full truth and nothing else.
The same goes for the rest of the dominant media that serve as
collective national thought control police gatekeepers
"filtering" everything we read, see and hear. They manipulate
our minds and beliefs, program our thoughts, and effectively
destroy the free marketplace of ideas essential to a healthy
democracy. In America, that's nowhere in sight.
The problem is most acute in reporting on Israel. Criticism of
the Jewish state is stifled in an effort to portray it as a
model democracy, the only one in the region, and surrounded by
hostile Palestinians, other Arab/Muslim extremists and whoever
else Israel cites as a threat, real or contrived. The truth is
quite opposite but absent from corporate-controlled media
spaces.
How "The Newspaper of Record" Reports on Israel
This article focuses mainly on the media's lead and most
influential voice, The New York Times. It's been around since
1851 when it quietly debuted saying "....we intend to (publish)
every morning (except Sundays) for an indefinite number of years
to come." Today, it's the pillar of the corporate media and main
instrument of fake news making it the closest thing in the
country to an official ministry of information and propaganda.
But here's the Times 1997 Proxy Statement quote media critic
Edward Herman used in his April, 1998 Z Magazine article titled
"All The News Fit to Print (Part I)." Its management then (and
now) claimed The Times to be "an independent newspaper, entirely
fearless, free of ulterior influence and unselfishly devoted to
the public welfare." It leaves one breathless and demands an
earlier used quote - "phew."
No media source anywhere has more clout than the Times, none
manipulates the public mind more effectively, and where it goes,
others follow. It's most visible supporting all things
corporate, foreign wars of aggression, and everything favoring
Israel it views one way. That's the focus below - how the New
York Times plays the lead cheerleading role for Israel even when
its actions are unjustifiable, unconscionable and criminal.
Freelance journalist Alison Weir founded "If Americans Knew" as
an "independent research and information-dissemination institute
(to provide) every American (what he or she) needs to know about
Israel/Palestine." That includes "inform(ing) and educat(ing)
the American public on issues of major significance that are
unreported, underreported, or misreported in the American
media." Below is an account of her in-depth study of how the New
York Times betrays its readers by distorting its coverage on
Israel.
It was in her April 24, 2005 article called "New York Times
Distortion Up Close and Personal." It drew on the findings from
her 23-page report, and 40 pages of supportive data, titled "Off
the Charts - Accuracy in Reporting of Israel/Palestine (by) The
New York Times." To be as objective as possible, the study "count(ed)
the deaths reported on both sides of the (Israeli-Palestinian)
conflict, and then compare(d) these to the actual number....that
had occurred." The findings showed a "startling
disparity....depending on the ethnicity of the victim(s)."
The study covered two periods. The first was from the September
29, 2000 beginning of the Al-Aqsa Mosque (or second) Intifada
(ignited by Ariel Sharon's provocative visit to the Temple Mount
Al-Aqsa Mosque site) through September 28, 2001. The second ran
from January 1, 2004 through December 31, 2004. Deaths counted
were only those resulting from Israeli - Palestinian
confrontations.
The first study showed the New York Times reported 2.8 times the
number of Israeli deaths to Palestinian ones when, in fact,
three times more Palestinians were killed than Israelis. In the
second one, the ratio increased to 3.6 adding further distortion
to the coverage. Reporting children's deaths was even more
skewed, coming in at a ratio of 6.8 for Israeli children
compared to Palestinian ones and then at 7.3 in the later study.
The latter ratio is particularly startling since 22 times more
Palestinian children were killed, in fact, than Israelis in 2004
according to B'Tselem - the Israeli Information Center for Human
Rights in the Occupied Terroritories. The Times simply ignored
them.
In all its reporting in both periods, the Times distorted the
facts egregiously. It highlighted Israeli deaths by headlining
and repeating them. In contrast, there was silence on most
Palestinian ones. The impression given was that more Jews died
than Arabs or at times the numbers were equal on both sides.
Most often, they weren't even close.
It was startling to learn that Israeli and other human rights
groups documented 82 Palestinian children killed at the
Intifada's outset (most by "gunfire to the head" indicating
deliberate targeting) before a single Israeli child died. The
Times willfully ignored this in its coverage the same way it
obsessed last summer over Hamas' capture of a single Israeli
soldier while ignoring around 12,000 Palestinian men, women and
children political detainees held by Israelis illegally. For the
Times, they're non-persons, but everyone in Israel and many
outside it know that soldier's name and still do.
Weir calls this coverage a "highly disturbing pattern of bias."
She presented her findings ("complete with charts,
spread-sheets, clear sourcing, and extensive additional
documentation") to the Times' Public Editor, Daniel Okrent, in a
face-to-face meeting, but came away disappointed. It was because
of a 1762-word column Okrent wrote in response. It ignored or
misrepresented the facts, was unconcerned that most Times
reporters covering Israel/Palestine are Jewish, all live inside
Israel, and the paper claimed it's impossible finding
"sufficient numbers of high quality journalists of Muslim or
Arab heritage to work on this issue." It is when you don't look.
Yet, it's worth noting what Weir believes was a "personal
confession" in a single line. Okrent may have slipped up saying:
"I don't think any of us (at the Times) can be objective about
our own claimed objectivity." Confession or not, it led to no
change in the Times' reporting.
Weir updated her report to include Palestinian children's deaths
in 2004 and 2005 from documented information on the "Remember
These Children" web site. It uses Israeli and other human rights
organizations' sources with these findings through June, 2007:
-- 118 Israeli children under 18 years years of age killed
compared to 973 Palestinian youths, most shot in the head or
chest indicating deliberate targeting by Israeli soldiers. This
information never appears in Times' reports.
Instead, The Times "marginalizes Palestinian women and
Palestinian rights" according to a November 17, 2006 Electronic
Intifada (EI) report. Its authors (Patrick O'Connor and Rachel
Roberts) state: "The New York Times pays little attention to
human rights in Israel/Palestine, downplays....violence against
Palestinian women and generally silences (their) voices."
Since the second Intifada began, B'Tselem, Amnesty International
(AI) and Human Rights Watch (HRW) published 76 reports
documenting Israeli abuses of Palestinian rights and four others
on Palestinian violations against Israelis or other
Palestinians. The Times, however, wrote only four articles on
them all - two on Israeli abuses and two others on what
Palestinians did suggesting both sides shared equal guilt.
Three other Times articles on the conflict focused on a Human
Rights Watch report criticizing Palestinian suicide bombings,
another HRW one on Israeli actions in Jenin in 2002, and a
B'Tselem report on the Israeli Defense Forces' (IDF) exoneration
of soldiers for killing a Palestinian child. The Times also
published one article criticizing Israel's 2006 war on Lebanon
and one other one critical of Hezbollah during that conflict.
It's the Times' idea of fairness and balance, that distorts
facts, ignores truth, and in every instance betrays its readers.
EI's writers refer to thousands of New York Times articles on
Israel/Palestine since the second Intifada began September 29,
2000. Yet in them all, it "quoted, cited or paraphrased just
4187 words....from human rights organizations in 62 articles,
snippets (only) averaging just 69 words per article." In the
same articles, far more space was given to Israeli government
denials even when clear evidence proved them false.
Other research shows The New York Times op ed page marginalizes
Palestinian voices and completely shuts out its women who are
portrayed as passive, docile and at the mercy of men. Readers
aren't told they "balance their dual commitment to the national
(and feminist) struggle(s)" by courageously leading the fight
against domestic and Israeli violence in the Occupied
Territories. The Times also ignores Amnesty International's
emphasis on the occupation's harmful effects on women in
detention centers and from "military checkpoints, blockades and
curfews" even though they cause sick and pregnant women to die
for lack of aid.
It's part of the same pattern of selective disclosure and
distortion so readers don't know what's happening and are led to
believe victims are the victimizers. Facts are ignored,
international law is unmentioned and reporting "contributes to
the dangerous pattern of Western disparagement of Muslim
society," made easy post-9/11.
EI sums up its article stating "If the Times cared about human
rights in Israel/Palestine, (balanced reporting, and) valued
independent third party perspectives, (it) would have published
more than 6256 (total) words....of major human rights
organizations (reports) in its thousands of articles" for the
past seven years. Instead, the impression given is Israeli
crimes are marginal, sporadic, inconsequential, acts of
self-defense and not crimes at all. This type reporting sets the
(low) standard for the rest of the dominant media and highlights
why few Americans question their government's full and
unconditional support for Israeli policy.
The Times willfully ignores the following type information
B'Tselem posts and updates on its website (www.btselem.org).
From September 29, 2000 through August 31, 2007, it documented
4274 Palestinians killed by Israeli security forces or civilians
including 857 children. That compares to 1024 Israelis killed by
Palestinians including 119 children.
Throughout this period, The Times low-keyed Israeli violence in
its coverage but featured dozens of articles on Palestinian
suicide bombings and other acts of self-defense it portrays as
"terrorism" against innocent Israelis. Left out is what
B'Tselem, Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR), AI, HRW,
ICRC and other human rights organizations report:
-- willful violations of the Fourth Geneva Convention's
protections of civilians in times of war and under occupation by
a foreign power.
-- excessive use of force and abuse;
-- policy of collective punishment and economic strangulation;
-- growing numbers of expanding illegal settlements;
-- home demolitions;
-- random IDF invasions, air and ground attacks;
-- many dozens of extrajudicial assassinations;
-- administrative detentions without charge and routine use of
torture of thousands of Palestinians including young children
treated like adults;
-- land expropriation;
-- crop destruction;
-- policies of closure, separation, checkpoints, ghettoization
and curfews;
-- denial of the most basic human rights and civil liberties;
and
-- an overall Kafkaesque "matrix of control" designed to
extinguish Palestinians' will to resist.
The Times willful distortion and indifference to Palestinian
suffering highlights its coverage. Like others in the dominant
media, it displays no sense of fairness, accuracy or balance in
portraying Palestinians as militants, gunmen and terrorists -
never as oppressed human beings under occupation struggling for
freedom in their own land. In sharp contrast, Israelis are seen
as surrounded, beleaguered, and innocent victims acting in
self-defense. It's sheer fantasy, the facts on the ground prove
it, but Times readers aren't given them.
They're also not told how Israel discriminates against
Palestinian Arab Israeli citizens. Patrick O'Connor explained in
his March 30, 2006 Electronic Intifada article titled "The New
York Times Covers Up Discrimination against Palestinian Citizens
of Israel." He noted the rise to prominence of Israeli Deputy
Prime Minister and Minister of Strategic Affairs Avigdor
Lieberman and his extremist Yisrael Beiteinu party. It advocates
"transferring a number of Palestinian towns in Israel to
Palestinian Authority (PA) control," thereby revoking the
legalized status of hundreds of thousands of its own citizens.
They're already second class ones and are treated unequally
under Israel's Basic Law that affords rights and benefits to
Jews only.
O'Connor notes the Times plays "a leading role collaborat(ing)
with this strategy." It characterizes all Palestinians as
militants, gunmen and terrorists while suppressing their
"experiences under....occupation (victimized by) Israeli state
terrorism, and (the) systemic Israeli discrimination against
Palestinian (citizens) living in Israel...."
An instance of Times distortion was from a March 21, 2006
article by Dina Kraft. In it, Israel dismissively refers to
"Israeli Arabs" and so does Kraft. They're not called
Palestinian Israeli citizens "to divide and rule, and to cover
up the familial, historical and cultural relationship between
Palestinians" inside Israel to those in the Territories and
diaspora. The Times goes along without challenge, never
questioning if a self-declared Jewish state can be democratic
without ensuring equal rights to its non-Jewish minority.
Ignored as well is Yisrael Beiteinu's outlandish proposal to
revoke citizenship rights for Arabs inside Israel because
they're not Jews.
O'Connor stresses how the Times, Kraft and the major US media
collaboratively perpetuate the myth that Israel is "a liberal,
democratic state inexplicably beset by Arab/Muslim terrorism."
In so doing, they suppress the historical record that Israel
ethnically cleansed 800,000 Palestinians, killed many thousands
of others, and destroyed 531 villages and 11 urban neighborhoods
in cities like Tel-Aviv, Haifa and Jerusalem in its 1948 "War of
Independence." They also deny that Palestinians everywhere have
close historical, family and cultural ties, yet Israel
discriminates against them all unfairly.
In her report, Weir noted what all people of conscience believe:
that "readers of The New York Times (and all Americans) are
entitled to full and accurate reporting on all issues, including
the topic of Israel/Palestine." In her study period, the Times
covered it in "well over 1000 stories," so it's deeply troubling
how much critical information was omitted.
A 9/11/07 Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting (FAIR) Action Alert
provides more evidence of NYT cover-up and distortion. It's
titled "Whose Human Rights Matter? NYT on Hezbollah and Israeli
attacks on civilians." FAIR cites two recently released Human
Rights Watch (HRW)investigations of Israel's war against Lebanon
in which The New York Times highlighted "unlawful attacks
against Israel" while giving short shrift to "unlawful attacks
committed by Israel." This is de rigueur at The Times so the
FAIR report is no surprise.
It noted the NYT ran its own 800 word story supportive of Israel
on 8/31/07 titled "Rights Group Accuses Hezbollah of
Indiscriminate Attacks on Civilians in Israel War" accompanied
by a photo of "Israeli civilians at risk from Hezbollah
rockets." In sharp contrast, it settled for a 139 word AP report
on Israeli unlawful attacks under its own headline titled
"Israel Criticized Over Lebanon Deaths" with no photo. Even
worse, The Times report on Israeli infractions omitted key
information about the claim that Hezbollah used Lebanese people
as human shields. HRW found no supportive evidence, and its
executive director, Kenneth Roth, said the Israeli government's
assertion was false.
The Times also failed to reflect the dramatic disparity in
civilian deaths on each side. HRW estimated Israel killed about
900 Lebanese civilians out of a total 1200 death toll in the
country while Hezbollah killed 43 Israeli civilians plus about
80 IDF personnel. FAIR's conclusion: The Times values Israeli
lives far more than Lebanese ones. No surprise.
FAIR raised an additional point as well from its 12/6/06 Action
Alert. It refuted a Times report as false that Israeli attacks
on civilians were legitimate "since Hezbollah fired from
civilian areas, itself a war crime, which made those areas
legitimate targets." Again, standard practice at The Times that
values fake news above truth, accuracy, fairness and balance.
Weir hoped a public airing of her findings on The Times would
lead to better reporting at the "paper of record." It never did
and just got worse following Hamas' dramatic democratic January,
2006 electoral victory. Afterwards, all outside aid was cut off,
Hamas was marginalized and politically isolated, and Israeli
repression got stepped up in an effort to crush the fledging
government by making the Territories "scream."
It came to a head June 14 following weeks of US-Israeli
orchestrated violence. Palestinian Authority (PA) President
Mahmoud Abbas declared a "state of emergency" and illegally
dismissed Hamas prime minister Ismail Haniyeh and his national
unity government. He appointed his own US-Israeli vetted
replacements days later with The New York Times in the lead
supporting the new quisling coup d'etat government. Noted
journalist and documentary filmmaker John Pilger explains the
first casualty of war is good journalism. It's as true for
reporting on Israel, especially on the pages of "the newspaper
of record" that sets the low standard others then follow.
That standard excludes discussion of the powerful Israeli lobby
with AIPAC just one part of it. Noted figures like John
Mearsheimer of the University of Chicago and Stephen Walt of the
Harvard Kennedy School of Government are persona non grata for
their heroic work documenting its powerful influence on US
policy toward Israel and the Middle East. Noted scholar and
activist James Petras makes the same compelling case in his
revealing 2006 must-read book titled "The Power of Israel in the
United States." The record of "the newspaper of record" includes
none of their findings and conclusions proving when it comes to
truth in reporting, it's absent from its pages. It's especially
pronounced in its coverage of Israel/Palestine.
More Evidence of Corporate Media Distortion on Israel-Palestine
When it comes to shoddy reporting, most notably on
Israel/Palestine, there's plenty of blame to go around. It's
found on major US broadcast and cable channels, most all
corporate-owned publications here and abroad, the BBC, CBC,
Deutche Welle, other European broadcasters, and what passes for
so-called public radio and broadcasting in the US. An exception
is Pacifica Radio, the original and only real public radio in
the US. Its provides excellent coverage, especially on KPFA's
daily Flashpoints Radio with the best of it anywhere on-air from
its co-hosts, contributors and top quality guests.
The opposite is true for so-called National Public Radio's
(NPR), but its public broadcast (PBS)counterpart shares equal
guilt. Many people naively turn to NPR as an acceptable
alternative to corporate media disinformation without realizing
it's as corrupted by capital interests and big government as all
the others. Its president, Kevin Klose, is the former head of US
propaganda that includes Voice of America (VOA), Radio Liberty,
Radio Free Europe, Radio Free Asia, Worldnet Television and the
anti-Castro Radio/TV Marti. He's ideal for the same role at
National Public Radio, and it's why he got the job.
NPR never met a US war of aggression it didn't love, and it's
especially attentive to the interests of its corporate
paymasters like McDonald's (with $225 million of it), Allstate,
Merck, Archer Daniels Midland, and the worst of all worker
rights' abusers, Wal-Mart, that NPR welcomes anyway. In its
space, there never is heard a discouraging word on any of these
or most other major US corporate giants.
Then, there's the issue of fair and balanced reporting on
Israel/Palestine that's absent from NPR programs all the time.
The media watchdog group FAIR exposed it in its study of NPR's
coverage of Israeli/Palestinian violence in the first six months
of 2001. Over virtually any period, Palestinian deaths way
outnumber Israeli ones. Yet NPR in the period studied reported
62 Israeli deaths compared to 51 Palestinian ones at a time 77
Israelis and 148 Palestinians were killed. It meant "there was
an 81% likelihood an Israeli death would be reported on NPR, but
only a 34% likelihood" a Palestinian one would be.
The findings were similar each way FAIR examined the data. They
showed one-sided pro-Israel reporting the way it is throughout
the dominant media. The result (then and now) is NPR betrays the
public trust. It suppresses real news in favor of the fake kind
it prefers. It violates its claim to be "an internationally
acclaimed producer of noncommercial news, talk and entertainment
programming" and its mission statement pledge "to create a more
informed public - one challenged and invigorated by a deeper
understanding and appreciations of events, ideas and cultures
(through) programming that meets the highest standards of public
service in journalism and cultural expression." It's pure
nonsense. On all counts, NPR fails badly.
The Electronic Intifada web site showed how badly. It was in a
February 19, 2002 article titled "Special Report: NPR's Linda
Gradstein (its Israel correspondent) Takes Cash Payments from
Pro-Israel Groups." Ali Abunimah and Nigel Parry (its
co-founders) discovered Gradstein violated professional
journalistic and NPR ethics and policy by accepting cash
honoraria from pro-Israeli organizations in the past and
currently to the date of the article.
Gradstein is notorious for her pro-Israeli bias and being paid
for it makes it worse. Hillel is one of her paymasters, and in
one instance openly acknowledged it considered Gradstein an
Israeli propagandist. Other Israeli groups apparently do as well
as Gradstein openly violated NPR's stated (but uninforced)
policy not to accept these fees. Instead, she regularly takes
them and likely still does.
The EI writers concluded "for some reason or other, Gradstein is
effectively exempt from NPR's own regulations. These revelations
only broaden existing concerns about the integrity of NPR's
Middle East reporting and honesty of Linda Gradstein....the sad
truth is that Linda Gradstein rarely meets (the minimum)
standard(s)" of journalistic ethics and integrity. This is
common practice at NPR and at the rest of the major media as
well.
The Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America
(CAMERA)
The dominant US media have loads of firepower and freely unleash
it supporting Israel. They need no backup help but get it anyway
from CAMERA, a powerful Boston-based pro-Israeli media lobby
group. The organization was founded by Charles Jacobs in 1982
and claims to be "non-partisan....regard(ing)....American or
Israeli political issues (and takes no position)
regard(ing)....ultimate solutions to the Arab-Israeli conflict."
It calls itself "a media-monitoring, research and membership
organization devoted to promoting accurate and balanced coverage
of Israel and the Middle East."
It claims "Inaccurate and distorted accounts of events in Israel
and the Middle East are....found everywhere from college radio
stations to network television, from community newspapers to
national magazines (to the) Internet." They're also in "fashion
magazines, architectural publications, encyclopedias....travel
guides, and even dictionaries." They're "inaccurate (and) skewed
(and) may fuel anti-Israel and anti-Jewish prejudice."
CAMERA's on guard to fight back with plenty of dues-paying
members to do it - 55,000 well-heeled ones plus "thousands of
active letter writers." They monitor all media and its
journalists everywhere for one purpose - to resolutely support
Israel and combat all criticism it calls "anti-Israel bias."
CAMERA tolerates none, not even modest in tone on issues too
minor to matter. They do to CAMERA that views everything in
black and white terms with no gray allowed.
Muslims are bad because they're Muslims and not Jews. Jews, on
the other hand, are good because they're Jewish. This for CAMERA
is fair and balanced meaning support Israel, right or wrong, and
you are. Dare criticize, you're not, and be targeted full force
with all CAMERA's hard-hitting tools - mass letter-writing,
articles, op-eds, monographs, special reports, full-page ads in
major publications, the CAMERA Media Report critiquing "bias and
error," CAMERA on Campus doing the same thing, CAMERA Fellows
training students in pro-Israeli thinking, and focused attacks
on "media bias" and journalists anywhere even mildly critical of
Israel.
CAMERA is effective because it's unrelenting, focused and
well-funded. It "systematically monitors, documents, reviews and
archives (all) Middle East coverage." Its staffers "contact
reporters, editors, producers and publishers" demanding
"distorted or inaccurate coverage" be retracted and replaced by
"factual information to refute errors." For CAMERA, it means
support Israel without compromise or be hounded until you do.
Two Examples of Truth in Reporting Banned in the Dominant Media
- First from Bethlehem
Pacifica's KPFA Flashpoints Radio co-host Nora Barrows Friedman
has become the electronic media's most courageous voice on
Israel/Palestine. An example was her disturbing story from
Bethlehem August 21 for Inter Press Service that was unreported
in the dominant media. It's a dramatic example of sanitizing
ugly parts of a story to prettify Israeli actions or simply
ignoring it as in this case.
Friedman reported the Israeli military has been cutting and
destroying apricot and walnut trees for months to make way for
its scheme in the village of Artas, southeast of Bethlehem. It's
a concrete tunnel (along with the apartheid separation wall) for
raw Israeli settlement sewage (excrement and waste). It's to be
dumped on Palestinian land even though its toxicity will
endanger the health and welfare of its residents. It will
destroy crops and poison the land rendering it useless for
agriculture.
Artas villagers have been "active and defiant....over the last
year after unofficial information" about the plan leaked out.
It's still ongoing, nonetheless, as Israeli bulldozers continue
uprooting crops and orchards in preparation for construction to
follow. Non-violent protesters (on their own land) "have been
shot at, beaten" arrested and imprisoned for defying
expropriation of their property. Israel frequently does this
throughout the Occupied Territories for the parts it wants. In
this case, it's for land to dump raw untreated toxic sewage
waste on from its settlements.
It's part of an overall ethnic cleansing scheme to dispossess
Palestinians from their lands, one parcel, one village at a
time, every devious way Israelis can invent to do it. This time,
villagers are fighting back in the Israeli Supreme Court. But
based on its past rulings, they have little hope for justice and
no hope the major media will help stop the abuse by exposing it
in its coverage.
A Second Example: Hamas' "Goals for All of Palestine"
Mousa Abu Marzook, Hamas political bureau deputy, prepared an
eloquent op-ed piece July 10 titled "Hamas' stand" that got rare
space in the latimes.com but none in the New York Times, NPR or
elsewhere in the dominant media. In it, he explained Hamas' July
rescue of BBC journalist Alan Johnson wasn't done "as some
obsequious boon to Western powers. It was....part of our effort
to secure Gaza from (all) lawlessness.... and violence....where
journalists, foreigners and guests of the Palestinian people
will be treated with dignity."
He stressed Hamas never supported attacks on Westerners.
Instead, its struggle "always....focused on the occupier and our
legal resistance to it....supported by the Fourth Geneva
Convention." Despite that right of any occupied people, Israel
and Washington falsely accuse its leaders of ideologies "they
know full well we do not follow, such as the agenda of Al Queda
and its adherents."
Marzook "deplore(d) the current prognosticating over "Fatah-land
(in the West Bank) versus "Hamastan (in Gaza). In the end, there
can be only one Palestinian state," and its people have every
legal right to demand and expect one. He continued saying its
"militant stance" is reasonable in "our fight against the
occupation and the right of Palestinians to have dignity,
justice and self-rule." It's guaranteed all peoples everywhere
under the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Marzook raised the litmus test issue of Palestinians having to
concede Israel's "putative right to exist as a necessary
precondition to discussing grievances, and to renounce" its 1988
charter position "born of the intolerable conditions under
occupation more than 20 years ago." A state "may have a right to
exist," he stated, "but not....at the expense of other states
(or more importantly) at the expense of millions of human
individuals and their rights to justice."
Marzook justifiably asked "Why should anyone concede Israel's
right to exist, when it....never....acknowledged (its)
foundational crimes of murder, ethnic cleansing (and seizure of)
our towns and villages, our farms and orchards, and made us a
nation of refugees? Why should any Palestinian recognize (this)
monstrous crime....?" How can Israel "declare itself explicitly
to be a state for the Jews (alone)....in a land where millions
of occupants are Arabs, Muslims and Christians."
Marzook continued denouncing Israeli hypocrisy referring back to
the writings of its Zionist founders. In them, they made
"repeated calls for the destruction of Palestine's non-Jewish
inhabitants" saying: "We must expel the Arabs and take their
places." Israeli policy today "advocat(es) for the expulsion of
Arab citizens from Israel and the rest of Palestine, envisioning
a single Jewish state from the Jordan (River) to the sea." The
international community voices "no clamor....for Israel to
repudiate these words as a necessary precondition for any
discourse whatsoever. The double standard, as always, is" for
Palestinians alone.
Marzook has no trouble "recognizing" Israel's right to exist.
"Israel does exist," he says, "as any Rafah boy in a hospital
bed, with IDF shrapnel in his torso, can tell you." He referred
to a distracting "dance of mutual rejection (while) many are
dying (or live) as prisoners....in refugee camps" and Israeli
prisons unjustly.
Marzook speaks for all Palestinians saying he "look(s) forward
to the day when Israel can say to me, and millions of other
Palestinians: 'Here, here is your family's house by the sea (we
took from you in 1948), here are your lemon trees, the olive
grove your father tended: Come home and be whole again.' Then we
can speak of a future together" and can have one in peace but
never under occupation.
Try finding that commentary in the New York Times or on NPR.
Somehow, it slipped into the latimes.com and maybe in error.
Pilger is right. The first casualty of war is good journalism.
It applies as well to reporting on Israel/Palestine and most
other major world and national issues. Real news and information
fall victim to the fake kind in the dominant media. Thankfully,
people are catching on, viable alternatives abound in print and
online, and web sites like this one provide it.
Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at
lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net .
Also visit his blog site at
www.sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to
The Steve Lendman News and Information Hour on
www.TheMicroEffect.com Saturdays at noon US central time.
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