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The Sino-Russian
Alliance
Challenging
America's Ambitions in Eurasia
By Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya
“But if the
middle space [Russia and the former Soviet Union]
rebuffs the West [the European Union and America],
becomes an assertive single entity, and either gains
control over the South [Middle East] or forms an
alliance with the major Eastern actor [China], then
America’s primacy in Eurasia shrinks dramatically.
The same would be the case if the two major Eastern
players were somehow to unite. Finally, any ejection
of America by its Western partners [the
Franco-German entente] from its perch on the western
periphery [Europe] would automatically spell the end
of America’s participation in the game on the
Eurasian chessboard, even though that would probably
also mean the eventual subordination of the western
extremity to a revived player occupying the middle
space [e.g. Russia].”
-Zbigniew Brzezinski (The Grand Chessboard:
American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives,
1997) |
10/12/07 "Global
Research" Sir Isaac Newton’s Third Law of
Motion states that “for every action there is an equal and
opposite reaction.” These precepts of physics can also be used
in the social sciences, specifically with reference to social
relations and geo-politics.
America and Britain, the Anglo-American alliance, have engaged
in an ambitious project to control global energy resources.
Their actions have resulted in a series of complicated
reactions, which have established a Eurasian-based coalition
which is preparing to challenge the Anglo-American axis.
Encircling Russia and China:
Anglo-American Global Ambitions Backfire
“Today we are witnessing an
almost uncontained hyper use of force —
military force — in international relations, force that
is plunging the world into an abyss of permanent conflicts. As a
result we do not have sufficient strength to find a
comprehensive solution to any one of these conflicts. Finding a
political settlement also becomes impossible. We are seeing a
greater and greater disdain for the basic principles of
international law. And independent legal norms are, as a matter
of fact, coming increasingly closer to one state’s legal system.
One state and, of course, first and foremost the United States,
has overstepped its national borders in every way.”
-Vladimir Putin at the Munich
Conference on Security Policy in Germany (February 11, 2007)
What American leaders and officials
called the “New World Order” is what the Chinese and Russians
consider a “Unipolar World.” This is the vision or
hallucination, depending on perspective, that has bridged the
Sino-Russian divide between Beijing and Moscow.
China and Russia are well aware of the fact that they are
targets of the Anglo-American alliance. Their mutual fears of
encirclement have brought them together. It is no accident that
in the same year that NATO bombarded Yugoslavia, President Jiang
Zemin of China and President Boris Yeltsin of Russia made an
anticipated joint declaration at a historic summit in December
of 1999 that revealed that China and the Russian Federation
would join hands to resist the “New World Order.” The seeds for
this Sino-Russian declaration were in fact laid in 1996 when
both sides declared that they opposed the global imposition of
single-state hegemony.
Both Jiang Zemin and Boris Yeltsin
stated that all nation-states should be treated equally, enjoy
security, respect each other’s sovereignty, and most importantly
not interfere in the internal affairs of other nation-states.
These statements were directed at the U.S. government and its
partners.
The Chinese and Russians also called for the establishment of a
more equitable economic and political global order. Both nations
also indicated that America was behind separatist movements in
their respective countries. They also underscored American-led
amibitions to balkanize and finlandize the nation-states of
Eurasia. Influential Americans such as Zbigniew Brzezinski had
already advocated for de-centralizing and eventually dividing up
the Russian Federation.
Both the Chinese and Russians
issued a statement warning that the creation of an international
missile shield and the contravention of the Anti-Ballistic
Missile Treaty (ABM Treaty) would destabilize the international
environment and polarize the globe. In 1999, the Chinese and
Russians were aware of what was to come and the direction that
America was headed towards. In June 2002, less than a year
before the onslaught of the “Global War on Terror,” George W.
Bush Jr. announced that the U.S. was withdrawing from the ABM
Treaty.
On July 24, 2001, less than two months before September 11,
2001, China and Russia signed the Treaty of Good-Neighbourliness
and Friendly Cooperation. The latter is a softly worded mutual
defence pact against the U.S., NATO, and the U.S. sponsored
Asian military network which was surrounding China. [1]
The military pact of the Shanghai Treaty Organization (SCO) also
follows the same softly worded format. It is also worth noting
that Article 12 of the 2001 Sino-Russian bilateral treaty
stipulates that China and Russia will work together to maintain
the global strategic balance, “observation of the basic
agreements relevant to the safeguard and maintenance of
strategic stability,” and “promote the process of nuclear
disarmament.” [2] This seems to be an insinuation about a
nuclear threat posed from the United States.
Standing in the Way of America
and Britain: A “Chinese-Russian-Iranian Coalition”
As a result of the Anglo-American
drive to encircle and ultimately dismantle China and Russia,
Moscow and Beijing have joined ranks and the SCO has slowly
evolved and emerged in the heart of Eurasia as a powerful
international body.
The main objectives of the SCO are defensive in nature. The
economic objectives of the SCO are to integrate and unite
Eurasian economies against the economic and financial onslaught
and manipulation from the “Trilateral” of North America, Western
Europe, and Japan, which controls significant portions of the
global economy.
The SCO charter was also created, using Western national
security jargon, to combat “terrorism, separatism,
and extremism.” Terrorist activities, separatist movements,
and extremist movements in Russia, China, and Central Asia are
all forces traditionally nurtured, funded, armed, and covertly
supported by the British and the U.S. governments. Several
separatist and extremist groups that have destabilized SCO
members even have offices in London.
Iran, India, Pakistan, and Mongolia
are all SCO observer members. The observer status of Iran in the
SCO is misleading. Iran is a de facto member. The observer
status is intended to hide the nature of trilateral cooperation
between Iran, Russia, and China so that the SCO cannot be
labeled and demonized as an anti-American or anti-Western
military grouping.
The stated interests of China and
Russia are to ensure the continuity of a “Multi-Polar World.”
Zbigniew Brzezinski prefigured in his 1997 book The Grand
Chessboard: American Primacy and the Geostrategic Imperatives
and warned against the creation or “emergence of a hostile
[Eurasian-based] coalition that could eventually seek to
challenge America’s primacy.” [3] He also called this potential
Eurasian coalition an “‘antihegemonic’ alliance” that would be
formed from a “Chinese-Russian-Iranian coalition” with China as
its linchpin. [4] This is the SCO and several Eurasian groups
that are connected to the SCO.
In 1993, Brzezinski wrote “In
assessing China’s future options, one has to consider also the
possibility that an economically successful and politically
self-confident China — but one which feels excluded from the
global system and which decides to become both the advocate and
the leader of the deprived states of the world — may decide to
pose not only an articulate doctrinal but also a powerful
geopolitical challenge to the dominant trilateral world [a
reference to the economic front formed by North America, Western
Europe, and Japan].” [5]
Brzezinski warns that Beijing’s answer to challenging the global
status quo would be the creation of a Chinese-Russian-Iranian
coalition: “For Chinese strategists, confronting the trilateral
coalition of America and Europe and Japan, the most effective
geopolitical counter might well be to try and fashion a triple
alliance of its own, linking China with Iran in the Persian
Gulf/Middle East region and with Russia in the area of the
former Soviet Union [and Eastern Europe].” [6] Brzezinski goes
on to say that the Chinese-Russian-Iranian coalition, which he
moreover calls an “antiestablishmentarian
[anti-establishmentarian] coalition,” could be a potent magnet
for other states [e.g., Venezuela] dissatisfied with the
[global] status quo.” [7]
Furthermore, Brzezinski warned in
1997 that “The most immediate task [for the U.S.] is to make
certain that no state or combination of states gains the
capacity to expel the United States from Eurasia or even to
diminish significantly its decisive arbitration role.” [8] It
may be that his warnings were forgotten, because the U.S. has
been repealed from Central Asia and U.S. forces have been
evicted from Uzbekistan and Tajikistan.
“Velvet Revolutions” Backfire in
Central Asia
Central Asia was the scene of
several British-sponsored and American-sponsored attempts at
regime change. The latter were characterised by velvet
revolutions similar to the Orange Revolution in Ukraine and the
Rose Revolution in Georgia.
These velvet revolutions financed by the U.S. failed in Central
Asia, aside from Kyrgyzstan where there had been partial success
with the so-called Tulip Revolution.
As a result the U.S. government has suffered major geo-strategic
setbacks in Central Asia. All of Central Asia’s leaders have
distanced themselves from America.
Russia and Iran have also secured energy deals in the
region. America’s efforts, over several decades, to exert a
hegemonic role in Central Asia seem to have been reversed
overnight. The U.S. sponsored velvet revolutions have backfired.
Relations between Uzbekistan and the U.S. were especially hard
hit.
Uzbekistan is under the
authoritarian rule of President Islam Karamov. Starting in the
second half of the 1990s President Karamov was enticed into
bringing Uzbekistan into the fold of the Anglo-American alliance
and NATO. When there was an attempt on President Karamov’s life,
he suspected the Kremlin because of his independent policy
stance. This is what led Uzbekistan to leave CSTO. But Islam
Karamov, years later, changed his mind as to who was attempting
to get rid of him.
According to Zbigniew Brzezinski,
Uzbekistan represented a major obstacle to any renewed Russian
control of Central Asia and was virtually invulnerable to
Russian pressure; this is why it was important to secure
Uzbekistan as an American protectorate in Central Asia.
Uzbekistan also has the largest military force in Central Asia.
In 1998, Uzbekistan held war games with NATO troops in
Uzbekistan. Uzbekistan was becoming heavily militarized in the
same manner as Georgia was in the Caucasus. The U.S. gave
Uzbekistan huge amounts of financial aid to challenge the
Kremlin in Central Asia and also provided training to Uzbek
forces.
With the launching of the “Global
War on Terror,” in 2001, Uzbekistan, an Anglo-American ally,
immediately offered bases and military facilities to the U.S. in
Karshi-Khanabad.
The leadership of Uzbekistan already knew the direction the
“Global War on Terror” would take. To the irritation of the Bush
Jr. Administration, the Uzbek President formulated a policy of
self-reliance. The honeymoon between Uzbekistan and the
Anglo-American alliance ended when Washington, D.C. and London
contemplated removing Islam Karamov from power. He was a little
too independent for their comfort and taste. Their attempts at
removing the Uzbek President failed, leading eventually to a
shift in geo-political alliances.
The tragic events of Andijan on May
13, 2005 were the breaking point between Uzbekistan and the
Anglo-American alliance. The people of Andijan were incited into
confronting the Uzbek authorities, which resulted in a heavy
security clampdown on the protesters and a loss of lives.
Armed groups were reported to have been involved. In the U.S.,
Britain, and the E.U., the media reports focused narrowly on
human rights violations without mentioning the covert role of
the Anglo-American alliance. Uzbekistan held Britain and the
U.S. responsible accusing them of inciting rebellion.
M. K. Bhadrakumar, the former
Indian ambassador to Uzbekistan (1995-1998), revealed that the
Hezbut Tahrir (HT) was one of the parties blamed for stirring
the crowd in Andijan by the Uzbek government. [9] The group was
already destabilizing Uzbekistan and using violent tactics. The
headquarters of this group happens to be in London and they
enjoy the support of the British government. London is a hub for
many similar organizations that further Anglo-American interests
in various countries, including Iran and Sudan, through
destabilization campaigns. Uzbekistan even started clamping down
on foreign non-governmental organizations (NGOs) because of the
tragic events of Andijan.
The Anglo-American alliance had played its cards wrong in
Central Asia. Uzbekistan officially left the GUUAM Group, a
NATO-U.S. sponsored anti-Russian body. GUUAM once again became
the GUAM (Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldava) Group on May
24, 2005.
On July 29, 2005 the U.S. military
was ordered to leave Uzbekistan within a six-month period. [10]
Literally, the Americans were told they were no longer welcome
in Uzbekistan and Central Asia.
Russia, China, and the SCO added their voices to
the demands. The U.S. cleared its airbase in Uzbekistan by
November, 2005.
Uzbekistan rejoined the CSTO alliance on June 26, 2006 and
realigned itself, once again, with Moscow. The Uzbek President
also became a vocal advocate, along with Iran, for pushing the
U.S. totally out of Central Asia. [11] Unlike Uzbekistan,
Kyrgyzstan continued to allow the U.S. to use Manas Air Base,
but with restrictions and in an uncertain atmosphere. The Kyrgyz
government also would make it clear that no U.S. operations
could target Iran from Kyrgyzstan.
Major Geo-Strategic Error
It appears that a strategic
rapprochement between Iran and America was in the works from
2001 to 2002. At the outset of the global war on terrorism,
Hezbollah and Hamas, two Arab organizations supported by Iran
and Syria, were kept off the U.S. State Department’s list of
terrorist organizations. Iran and Syria were also loosely
portrayed as potential partners in the “Global War on Terror.”
Following the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Iran expressed its support
for the post-Saddam Hussein Iraqi government. During the
invasion of Iraq, the American military even attacked the
Iraqi-based Iranian opposition militia, the Mujahedin-e Khalq
Organization (MEK/MOK/MKO). Iranian jets also attacked the Iraqi
bases of the MEK in approximately the same window of time.
Iran, Britain, and the U.S. also worked together against the
Taliban in Afghanistan. It is worth mentioning that the Taliban
were never allies of Iran. Up until 2000, the Taliban had been
supported by the U.S. and Britain, working hand in glove with
the Pakistani military and intelligence.
The Taliban were shocked and bewildered at what they saw as an
American and British betrayal in 2001 — this is in light of the
fact that in October, 2001 they had stated that they would hand
over Osama bin Laden to the U.S. upon the presentation
of evidence of his alleged involvement in the 9/11 attacks.
Zbigniew Brzezinski warned years before 2001 that “a coalition
allying Russia with both China and Iran can develop only if the
United States is shortsighted enough to antagonize China and
Iran simultaneously.” [12] The arrogance of the Bush Jr.
Administration has resulted in this shortsighted policy.
According to The Washington Post, “Just after the
lightning takeover of Baghdad by U.S. forces three years ago [in
2003], an unusual two-page document spewed out of a fax machine
at the Near East bureau of the State Department. It was a
proposal from Iran for a broad dialogue with the United States,
and the fax suggested everything was on the table — including
full cooperation on nuclear programs, acceptance of Israel and
the termination of Iranian support for Palestinian militant
groups.” [13]
The White House impressed by what
they believe were “grand victories” in Iraq and Afghanistan
merely ignored the letter sent through diplomatic channels by
the Swiss government on behalf of Tehran.
However, it was not because of what was wrongly perceived as a
quick victory in Iraq that the Bush Jr. Administration pushed
Iran aside. On January 29, 2002, in a major address, President
Bush Jr. confirmed that the U.S. would also target Iran, which
had been added to the so-called “Axis of Evil” together with
Iraq and North Korea. The U.S. and Britain intended to attack
Iran, Syria, and Lebanon after the 2003 invasion of Iraq. In
fact immediately following the invasion, in July 2003, the
Pentagon formulated an initial war scenario entitled “Theater
Iran Near Term (TIRANNT).”
Starting in 2002, the Bush Jr. Administration had deviated from
their original geo-strategic script. France and
Germany were also excluded from sharing the spoils of war in
Iraq.
The intention was to act against Iran and Syria just as America
and Britain had used and betrayed their Taliban allies in
Afghanistan. The U.S. was also set on targeting Hezbollah and
Hamas. In January of 2001, according to Daniel Sobelman, a
correspondent for Haaretz, the U.S. government warned
Lebanon that the U.S. would go after Hezbollah. These
threats directed at Lebanon were made at the start of the
presidential term of George W. Bush Jr., eight months before the
events of September 11, 2001.
The conflict at the United Nations Security Council between the
Anglo-American alliance and the Franco-German entente, supported
by Russia and China, was a pictogram of this deviation.
American geo-strategists for years after the Cold War had
scheduled the Franco-German entente to be partners in their
plans for global primacy. In this regard, Zbigniew Brzezinski
had acknowledged that the Franco-German entente would eventually
have to be elevated in status and that the spoils of war would
have to be divided with Washington’s European allies.
By the end of 2004, the
Anglo-American alliance had started to correct its posture
towards France and Germany. Washington had returned to its
original geo-strategic script with NATO playing an expanded role
in the Eastern Mediterranean. In turn, France was granted oil
concessions in Iraq.
The 2006 war plans for Lebanon and the Eastern Mediterranean
also point to a major shift in direction, a partnership role for
the Franco-German entente, with France and Germany playing a
major military role in the region.
It is worth noting that a major shift occurred in early 2007
with regard to Iran. Following U.S. setbacks in Iraq and
Afghanistan (as well as in Lebanon, Palestine, Somalia, and
former Soviet Central Asia), the White House entered into
secret negotiatiations with Iran and Syria. However, the dye has
been cast and it would appear that America will be unable to
break an evolving military alliance which includes Russia, Iran,
and China as its nucleus.
The Baker-Hamilton
Commission: Covert Anglo-American Cooperation with Iran and
Syria?
“America should also strongly
support Turkish aspirations to have a pipeline from Baku in [the
Republic of] Azerbaijan to Ceyhan on the Turkish Mediterranean
cost serve as [a] major outlet for the Caspian Sea basin energy
sources. In addition, it is not in America’s interest to
perpetuate American-Iranian hostility. Any eventual
reconciliation should be based on the recognition of a mutual
strategic interest in stabilizing what currently is a very
volatile regional environment for Iran [e.g., Iraq and
Afghanistan]. Admittedly, any such reconciliation must be
pursued by both sides and is not a favor granted by one to the
other. A strong, even religiously motivated but not fanatically
anti-Western Iran is in the U.S. interest, and ultimately even
the Iranian political elite may recognize that reality. In the
meantime, American long-range interests in Eurasia would be
better served by abandoning existing U.S. objections to closer
Turkish-Iranian economic cooperation, especially in the
construction of new pipelines...”
-Zbigniew Brzezinski (The Grand
Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives,
1997)
The recommendations of the
Baker-Hamilton Commission or the Iraq Study Group (ISG) are not
a redirection in regards to engaging Iran, but a return to the
track that the Bush Jr. Administration had deviated from as a
result of the delusions of its hasty victories in Afghanistan
and Iraq. In other words, the Baker-Hamilton Commission was
about damage control and re-steering America to the
geo-strategic path originally intended by military planners that
the Bush Jr. Administration seems to have deviated from.
The ISG Report also subtly indicated that adoption of so-called
“free market” economic reforms be pressed on Iran (and by
extension Syria) instead of regime change. The ISG also
favoured the accession of both Syria and Iran to the World Trade
Organization (WTO). [14] It should also be noted, in this
regard, that Iran has already started a mass privatization
program that involves all sectors from banking to energy and
agriculture.
The ISG Report also recommends an end to the Arab-Israeli
Conflict and the establishment of peace between Israel and
Syria. [15]
The joint interests of Iran and the U.S. were also analysed by
the Baker-Hamilton Commission. The ISG recommended that the
U.S. should not empower the Taliban again in Afghanistan
(against Iran). [16] It should also be noted that Imad
Moustapha, the Syrian ambassador to the U.S., the Syrian Foreign
Minister, and Javad Zarif, the Iranian representative to the
United Nations, were all consulted by the Baker-Hamilton
Commission. [17] The Iranian Ambassodor to the U.N., Javad
Zarif, has also been a middle man between the U.S. and Iranian
governments for years.
It is worth mentioning that the
Clinton Administration was involved in the track of
rapprochement with Iran, while also attempting to keep Iran in
check under the “dual-containment” policy directed against Iraq
and Iran. This policy was also linked to the 1992 Draft Defence
Guidance paper written by people within the Bush Sr. and Bush
Jr. Administrations.
It is worth noting that Zbigniew Brzezinski had stated as far
back as 1979 and again in 1997 that Iran under its
post-revolutionary political system could be co-opted by
America. [18] Britain also ensured Syria and Iran in 2002 and
2003 that they would not be targeted and encouraged their
cooperation with the White House.
It should be noted that Turkey has recently signed a pipeline
deal with Iran that will take gas to Western Europe. This
project includes the participation of Turkmenistan. [19] It
would appear that this cooperation agreement between Tehran and
Ankara points to reconciliation rather than confrontation with
Iran and Syria. This is in line with what Brzezinski in 1997
claimed was in America’s interest.
Also, the Anglo-American sponsored Iraqi government has recently
signed pipeline deals with Iran.
Once again, America’s interests in this deal should be
questioned, as should the high opinions being given about Iran
by the puppet leaders of Iraq and Afghanistan.
Something’s Amiss...
The media attention given in North America and Britain to the
positive comments made about Tehran by Anglo-American clients in
Baghdad and Kabul is sinister.
Although these comments from Baghdad and Kabul about the
positive role Iran plays in Iraq and Afghanistan are not new,
the media attention is. President George W. Bush Jr. and the
White House criticized the Iraqi Prime Minister for saying Iran
plays a constructive role in Iraq in early-August of 2007. The
White House and North American or British press would usually
just ignore or refuse to acknowledge these comments. However,
this was not the case in August, 2007.
The Afghani President, Hamid Karzai, during a joint press
conference with George W. Bush Jr. stated that Iran was a
positive force in his country. It is not odd to hear that Iran
is a positive force inside Afghanistan because the stability of
Afghanistan is in Iran’s best interests. What comes across as
odd are “when” and “where” the comments were made. White House
press conferences are choreographed and the place and time of
the Afghani President’s comments should be questioned. It also
so happens that shortly after the Afghani President’s comments,
the Iranian President arrived in Kabul in an unprecedented visit
that must have been approved by the White House.
Iran’s Political Leverage
In regards to Iran and the U.S., the picture is blurry and the
lines between cooperation and rivalry are less clear. Reuters
and the Iranian Student’s News Agency (ISNA) have both
reported that the Iranian President may visit Baghdad after
August 2007. These reports surfaced just before the U.S.
government started threatening to label the Iranian
Revolutionary Guard Corps as a special international terrorist
organization. Without insinuating anything, it should also be
noted that the Revolutionary Guard and the U.S. military have
also had a low-key history of cooperation from
Bosnia-Herzegovina to Taliban-controlled Afghanistan.
The Iranian President has also invited the presidents of the
other four Caspian states for a Caspian Sea summit in Tehran.
[20] He invited the Turkmen president while in Turkmenistan and
later the Russian and Kazakh presidents at the August of
2007 SCO summit in Kyrgyzstan. President Aliyev, the leader of
the Republic of Azerbaijan (Azarbaijan) was also personally
invited during a trip by the Iranian President to Baku. The
anticipated Caspian Sea summit may be similar to the one in Port
Turkmenbashi, Turkmenistan between the Kazakh, Russian, and
Turkmen presidents where it was announced that Russia would not
be cut out of the pipeline deals in Central Asia.
Iranian leverage is clearly getting stronger. Officials in Baku
also stated that they will expand energy cooperation with Iran
and enter the gas pipeline deal between Iran, Turkey, and
Turkmenistan that will supply European markets with gas. [21]
This agreement to supply Europe is similar to a Russian energy
transport deal signed between Greece, Bulgaria, and the Russian
Federation. [22]
In the Levant, Syria is involved in energy-related negotiations
with Ankara and Baku and important talks have started
between American officials and both Tehran and Damascus. [23]
Iran has also been involved in diplomatic exchanges with Syria,
Lebanon, Turkey, and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Additionally,
starting in August 2007, Syria has agreed to reopen Iraqi oil
pipelines to the Eastern Mediterranean, through Syrian
territory. [24] The recent official visit of Iraqi Prime
Minister Al-Maliki to Syria has also been described as
historical by news sources like the British Broadcasting
Corporation (BBC). Also, Syria and Iraq have agreed to build a
gas pipeline from Iraq into Syria, where Iraqi gas will be
treated in Syrian plants. [25] These agreements are being passed
as the sources of tensions between Baghdad and the White House,
but they are doubtful. [26]
Iran and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) are also planning on
starting the process for creating an Iranian-GCC free trade zone
in the Persian Gulf. In the bazaars of
Tehran and amongst the political circle of Rafsanjani there are
also discussions about the eventual creation of a single market
between Iran, Tajikistan, Armenia, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria.
The American role in these processes in regards to Afghanistan,
Iraq, and the GCC should be explored.
Under President Nicholas Sarkozy, France has indicated that it
is willing to engage the Syrians fully if they gave specific
guarantees in regards to Lebanon. These guarantees are linked to
French economic and geo-strategic interests.
In the same period of time as the French statements about Syria,
Gordon Brown indicated that Britain was also willing to engage
in diplomatic exchanges with both Syria and Iran. Heidemarie
Wieczorek-Zeul, the German Minister of Economic Cooperation and
Development, has also been involved in talks with Damascus on
mutual projects, economic reform, and bringing Syria closer to
the European Union. These talks, however tend to be camouflaged
by the discussion between Syria and Germany in regards to the
mass exodus of Iraqi refugees, resulting from the Anglo-American
occupation of their country. The French Foreign Minister is also
expected in Tehran to talk about Lebanon, Palestine, and Iraq.
Despite the war-mongering by the U.S. and more recently by
France, this has all led to speculation of a potential
about-turn in regards to Iran and Syria. [27]
Then again, this is part of the two-pronged U.S. approach of
preparing for the worst (war), while suing for the diplomatic
capitulation of Syria and Iran as client states or partners.
When large oil and weapons deals were signed between Libya and
Britain, London said that Iran should follow the Libyan example,
as has the Baker-Hamilton Commission.
Has the March to War been Interrupted?
Despite talks behind closed doors with Damascus and Tehran,
Washington is nonetheless arming its clients in the Middle
East. Israel is in an advanced state of military preparedness
for a war on Syria.
Unlike France and Germany, Anglo-American ambitions pertaining
to Iran and Syria are not one of cooperation. The ultimate
objective is political and economic subordination.
Moreover, either as a friend or foe, America cannot tolerate
Iran within its present borders. The balkanization of Iran, like
that of Iraq and Russia, is a major long-term Anglo-American
goal.
What lies ahead is never known. While there is smoke in the
horizon, the U.S.-NATO-Israeli military agenda will not
necessarily result in the implementation of war as planned.
A “Chinese-Russian-Iranian coalition” — which forms the basis
of a global counter-alliance — is emerging. America and Britain
rather than opting for outright war, may choose to reel in Iran
and Syria through macro-economic manipulation and velvet
revolutions.
War directed against Iran and Syria, however, cannot be ruled
out. There are real war preparations on the ground in the Middle
East and Central Asia. A war against Iran and Syria would have
far-reaching worldwide implications.
Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya is an independent writer based in Ottawa
specialising on the Middle East and Central Asia. He is a
Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization
(CRG).
NOTES
[1] Treaty of
Good-Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation Between the
People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation,
signed and entered into force July 16, 2001, P.R. of
China-Russian Federation, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
People’s Republic of China.
http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjdt/2649/t15771.htm
The following are treaty articles
that are relevant to the mutual defence of China and Russia
against American-led encirclement and efforts to dismantle both
nations;
ARTICLE 4
The Chinese side supports the
Russian side in its policies on the issue of defending the
national unity and territorial integrity of the Russian
Federation.
The Russian side supports the Chinese side in its policies on
the issue of defending the national unity and territorial
integrity of the People’s Republic of China.
ARTICLE 5
The Russian side reaffirms that the
principled stand on the Taiwan issue as expounded in the
political documents signed and adopted by the heads of states of
the two countries from 1992 to 2000 remain unchanged. The
Russian side acknowledges that there is only one China in the
world, that the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal
government representing the whole of China and that Taiwan is an
inalienable part of China. The Russian side opposes any form of
Taiwan’s independence.
ARTICLE 8
The contracting parties shall not enter into any alliance or be
a party to any bloc nor shall they embark on any such action,
including the conclusion of such treaty with a third country
which compromises the sovereignty, security and territorial
integrity of the other contracting party. Neither side of the
contracting parties shall allow its territory to be used by a
third country to jeopardize the national sovereignty, security
and territorial integrity of the other contracting party.
Neither side of the contracting parties shall allow the setting
up of organizations or gangs on its own soil which shall impair
the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of the other
contrasting party and their activities should be prohibited.
ARTICLE 9
When a situation arises in which
one of the contracting parties deems that peace is being
threatened and undermined or its security interests are involved
or when it is confronted with the threat of aggression, the
contracting parties shall immediately hold contacts and
consultations in order to eliminate such threats.
ARTILCE 12
The contracting parties shall work
together for the maintenance of global strategic balance and
stability and make great efforts in promoting the observation of
the basic agreements relevant to the safeguard and maintenance
of strategic stability.
The contracting parties shall actively promote the process of
nuclear disarmament and the reduction of chemical weapons,
promote and strengthen the regimes on the prohibition of
biological weapons and take measures to prevent the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, their means of
delivery and their related technology.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Zbigniew Brzezinski, The
Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic
Imperatives (NYC, New York: HarperCollins Publishers,
1997), p.198.
[4] Ibid., pp. 115-116, 170,
205-206.
Note: Brzezinski also refers to a
Chinese-Russian-Iranian coalition as a “counteralliance”
(p.116).
[5] Zbigniew Brzezinski, Out of
Control: Global Turmoil on the Eve of the 21st Century (NYC,
New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons Macmillan Publishing
Company, 1993), p.198.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Brzezinski, The Grand
Chessboard, Op. cit., p.198.
[9] M. K. Bhadrakumar, The
lessons from Ferghana, Asia Times, May 18, 2005.
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Central_Asia/GE18Ag01.html
[10] Nick Paton Walsh,
Uzbekistan kicks US out of military base, The Guardian
(U.K.), August 1, 2005.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1540185,00.html
[11] Vladimir Radyuhin,
Uzbekistan rejoins defence pact, The Hindu, June 26,
2006.
http://www.thehindu.com/2006/06/26/stories/2006062604491400.htm
[12] Brzezinski, The Grand
Chessboard, Op. cit., p.116.
[13] Glenn Kessler, In 2003,
U.S. Spurned Iran’s Offer of Dialogue, The Washington
Post, June 18, 2006, p.A16.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/06/17/AR2006061700727.html
[14] James A. Baker III et al.,
The Iraq Study Group
Report: The Way Forward — A New Approach
Authroized ed. (NYC, New York: Random House Inc.,
2006), p.51.
[15] Ibid., pp.51, 54-57.
[16] Ibid., pp.50-53, 58.
[17] Ibid., p.114.
[18] Brzezinski, The Grand Chessboard, Op. cit.,
p.204.
[19] Iran, Turkey sign energy
cooperation deal, agree to develop Iran’s gas fields,
Associated Press, July 14, 2007.
http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/07/14/business/ME-FIN-Iran-Turkey-Energy-deal.php
[20] Tehran to host summit of Caspian nations Oct.18,
Russian News and Information Agency (RIA Novosti), August
22, 2007.
http://en.rian.ru/world/20070822/73387774.html
[21] Azerbaijan, Iran reinforce
energy deals, United Press International (UPI),
August 22, 2007.
[22] Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya, The March to War: Détente in
the Middle East or “Calm before the Storm?,” Centre for
Research on Globalization (CRG), July 10, 2007.
http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=6281
[23] Ibid.
It is worth noting that Iran has been involved in pipeline deals
with Turkey and in negotiation between Syria, Lebanon, Turkey,
and the Republic of Azerbaijan in the possible creation of an
energy corridor in the Eastern Mediterranean. These deals
occurred in the same time frame that both Syria and Iran started
talks with the U.S. after the Baker-Hamilton Commission’s
report.
[24] Syria and Iraq to reopen oil pipeline link,
Agence France-Presse (AFP), August 22, 2007.
[25] Ibid.
[26] Roger Hardy, Why the US is unhappy with Maliki,
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), August 22, 2007.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/6958440.stm
[27] Hassan Nafaa, About-face on Iran coming?, Al-Ahram
(Egypt), no. 859, August 23-29, 2007.
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2007/859/op22.htm
© Copyright Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya,
Global Research, 2007
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