From the book's Preface:
I wrote
this book because I could no longer
ignore the echoes between events in the
past and forces at work today.
When I
discussed these issues informally with a
good friend who is the daughter of
Holocaust survivors -- and who teaches
students about the American system of
government as a kind of personal
response to what happened to her family
-- she insisted that I present this
argument.
I also
wrote it as I did because, in the midst
of my research, I went to Christopher Le
and Jennifer Gandin's wedding.
Chris --
the "young patriot" of the subtitle --
is a born activist, a natural grassroots
leader and teacher. He helps run the
Nation Suicide Prevention Lifeline and
is active on a range of issues. Chris
and Jennifer are characteristic of the
kinds of the idealistic young people --
idealistic Americans -- who need to lead
our nation out of this crisis.
I was
there having emerged from my reading and
could not ignore the terrible storm
clouds gathering in the nation at large,
and I felt that the young couple needed
one more gift: the tools to fully
realize and defend their freedom; the
means to be sure that their own children
would be born in liberty.
It is
not just the young who are disconnected
from democracy's tasks at just the
moment that the nation's freedoms are
being dismantled; in my travels across
the country, I have heard from citizens
of all backgrounds who feel alienated
from the Founders' idea that they are
the ones who must lead; they are the
ones who must decide and confront and
draw a line. They are the ones who
matter. This book is written for them.
Such
citizens need the keys to, the
understanding of, the Founders' radical
legacy. They need to understand how
despots have gone about their work. They
need a primer so they and those around
them can be well-equipped for the fight
that lies ahead.
So they
can fight it well.
So that
our children may continue to live in
freedom.
So that
we may all.
What follows is the first of two
parts of the introduction to The End
of America: Letter of Warning to a Young
Patriot. Part II will be posted in
this space on the Huffington Post on
Wednesday, September 12. Chelsea Green
Publishing has also generously made
available a PDF version [PDF
here] of the entire Introduction,
with footnotes included.
Dear
Chris:
I am
writing because we have an emergency.
Here are
U.S. news headlines from a two-week
period in the late summer of 2006:
July 22:
"CIA WORKER SAYS MESSAGE ON TORTURE GOT
HER FIRED." Christine Axsmith, a
computer security expert working for the
C.I.A., said she had been fired for
posting a message on a blog site on a
top-secret computer network. Axsmith
criticized waterboarding: "Waterboarding
is torture, and torture is wrong." Ms.
Axsmith lost her job as well as her
top-secret clearance, which she had held
since 1993. She fears her career in
intelligence is over.
July 28:
"DRAFT BILL WAIVES DUE PROCESS FOR ENEMY
COMBATANTS." The Bush administration has
been working in secret on a draft bill
"detailing procedures [for] bringing to
trial those it captures in the war on
terrorism, including some stark
diversions from regular trial
procedures. . . . Speedy trials are not
required. . . . Hearsay information is
admissible . . . the [military] lawyer
can close the proceedings [and] can also
order 'exclusion of the defendant' and
his civilian counsel." Those defined as
"enemy combatants" and "persons who have
engaged in unlawful belligerence" can be
held in prison until "the cessation of
hostilities," no matter when that may be
or what jail sentence they may get.
July 29:
"THE COURT UNDER SIEGE." In June 2006,
the Supreme Court ruled that denying
prisoners at Guantánamo judicial
safeguards violated the Geneva
Conventions and U.S. law. The Supreme
Court also insisted that a prisoner be
able to be present at his own trial. In
response, the White House prepared a
bill that "simply revokes that right."
The New York Times editorial
page warned, "It is especially
frightening to see the administration
use the debates over the prisoners at
Guantánamo Bay and domestic spying to
mount a new offensive against the
courts."
July 31:
"A SLIP OF THE PEN." U.S. lawyers issued
a statement expressing alarm at the way
the president was overusing "signing
statements." They argued that this was
an exertion of executive power that
undermined the Constitution. Said the
head of the American Bar Association,
"The threat to our Republic posed by
presidential signing statements is both
imminent and real unless immediate
corrective action is taken."
August
2: "BLOGGER JAILED AFTER DEFYING COURT
ORDERS." A freelance blogger, Josh Wolf,
24, was jailed after he refused to turn
over to investigators a video he had
taken of a protest in San Francisco.
Jane Kirtley, a professor of media
ethics and law at the University of
Minnesota, said that, although the
jailing of American journalists was
becoming more frequent, Mr. Wolf was the
first American blogger she knew of to be
imprisoned by federal authorities.
August
2: "GOVERNMENT WINS ACCESS TO REPORTER
PHONE RECORDS." "A federal prosecutor
may inspect the telephone records of two
New York Times reporters in an
effort to identify their confidential
sources. . ." according to The New
York Times. A dissenting judge
speculated that in the future, reporters
would have to meet their sources
illicitly, like drug dealers meeting
contacts "in darkened doorways."
August
3: "STRONG-ARMING THE VOTE." In Alabama,
a federal judge took away powers over
the election process from a Democratic
official, Secretary of State Worley, and
handed them over to a Republican
governor: "[P]arty politics certainly
appears to have been a driving force,"
argued the Times. "The Justice
Department's request to shift Ms.
Worley's powers to Governor Riley is
extraordinary." When Worley sought
redress in a court overseen by a federal
judge aligned with the Bush
administration, she wasn't allowed her
chosen lawyer. It was "a one-sided
proceeding that felt a lot like a
kangaroo court. . ." cautioned the
newspaper. She lost.
Why am I
writing this warning to you right now,
in 2007? After all, we have had a
Congressional election giving control of
the House and the Senate to Democrats.
The new leaders are at work. Surely,
Americans who have been worried about
erosions of civil liberties, and the
destruction of our system of checks and
balances, can relax now: see, the system
corrects itself. It is tempting to
believe that the basic machinery of
democracy still works fine and that any
emergency threatening it has passed --
or, worst case, can be corrected in the
upcoming presidential election.
But the
dangers are not gone; they are
regrouping. In some ways they are
rapidly gaining force. The big picture
reveals that 10 classic pressures --
pressures that have been used in various
times and places in the past to close
down pluralistic societies -- were set
in motion by the Bush administration to
close down our own open society. These
pressures have never been put in place
before in this way in this nation.
A
breather is unearned; we can't simply
relax now. The laws that drive these
pressures are still on the books. The
people who have a vested interest in a
less open society may be in a moment of
formal political regrouping; but their
funds are just as massive as before,
their strategic thinking unchanged, and
their strategy now is to regroup so that
next time their majority will be
permanent.
All of
us -- Republicans, Democrats,
Independents, American citizens -- have
little time to repeal the laws and roll
back the forces that can bring about the
end of the American system we have
inherited from the Founders -- a system
that has protected our freedom for over
200 years.
I have
written this warning because our country
-- the democracy our young patriots
expect to inherit -- is in the process
of being altered forever. History has a
great deal to teach us about what is
happening right now -- what has happened
since 2001 and what could well unfold
after the 2008 election. But fewer and
fewer of us have read much about the
history of the mid-twentieth century --
or about the ways the Founders set up
our freedoms to save us from the kinds
of tyranny they knew could emerge in the
future. High school students, college
students, recent graduates, activists
from all walks of life, have a sense
that something overwhelming has been
going on. But they have lacked a primer
to brief them on these themes and put
the pieces together, so it is hard for
them to know how urgent the situation
is, let alone what they need to do.
Americans expect to have freedom around
us just as we expect to have air to
breathe, so we have only limited
understanding of the furnaces of
repression that the Founders knew
intimately. Few of us spend much time
thinking about how "the system" they put
in place protects our liberties. We
spend even less time, considering how
dictators in the past have broken down
democracies or quelled pro-democracy
uprisings. We take our American liberty
for granted the way we take our natural
resources for granted, seeing both,
rather casually, as being magically
self-replenishing. We have not noticed
how vulnerable either resource is until
very late in the game, when systems
start to falter. We have been slow to
learn that liberty, like nature, demands
a relationship with us in order for it
to continue to sustain us.
Most of
us have only a faint understanding of
how societies open up or close down,
become supportive of freedom or ruled by
fear, because this is not the kind of
history that we feel, or that our
educational system believes, is
important for us to know. Another reason
for our vagueness about how liberty
lives or dies is that we have tended
lately to subcontract out the tasks of
the patriot: to let the professionals --
lawyers, scholars, activists,
politicians -- worry about understanding
the Constitution and protecting our
rights. We think that "they" should
manage our rights, the way we hire a
professional to do our taxes; "they"
should run the government, create
policy, worry about whether democracy is
up and running. We're busy.
But the
Founders did not mean for powerful men
and women far away from the citizens --
for people with their own agendas, or
for a class of professionals -- to
perform the patriots' tasks, or to
protect freedom. They meant for us to do
it: you, me, the American who delivers
your mail, the one who teaches your
kids.
I am one
of the citizens who needed to relearn
these lessons. Though I studied civics,
our system of government was taught to
me, as it was to you, as a fairly boring
explication of a three-part civil
bureaucracy, not as the mechanism of a
thrilling, radical, and totally
unprecedented experiment in human
self-determination. My teachers
explained that our three-part system was
set up with "checks and balances," so
that no one branch of government could
seize too much power. Not so exciting:
this sounded like "checks and balances"
in a bureaucratic turf war. Our teachers
failed to explain to us that the power
that the Founders restrained in each
branch of government is not abstract: it
is the power to strip you and me of
personal liberty.
So I
needed to go back and read, more deeply
than I had the first time around,
histories of how patriots gave us our
America out of the crucible of tyrants,
as well as histories of how dictators
came to power in the last century. I had
to reread the stories of the making and
the unmaking of freedom. The more I read
these histories, the more disturbed I
became.
I give
you the lessons we can learn from them
in this pamphlet form because of the
crisis we face.