.
They concluded that “new political space is being created
for the public airing of more moderate views on Middle East
policy.” If they are right, and I think they are, there is
reason, at last, to be less than totally pessimistic about
the prospects of finding a cure for the cancer at the heart
of international affairs, the Palestine problem, before it
consumes us all.
In the quotation above
“more moderate views” is a euphemism for views other than
those of the Zionist (not Jewish!) lobby, of which AIPAC is
the most prominent public face. It was described by Luban
and Lobe as “the powerful lobbying group whose hawkish
right-wing leadership has often defied both the views of the
broader U.S. .Jewish community and the policies of Israeli
governments.” (In my two-volume book, Zionism: The Real
Enemy of the Jews, I quote Shimon Peres telling me way
back in 1980, when he was the leader of the opposition
Labour Party, that the lobby in America “is not an
Israel lobby. It’s a Likud lobby and that’s my problem.”)
The excellent IPS
article by Luban and Lobe is primarily a review of the
controversy sparked by TIME columnist Joe Klein’s
blogged statement that by pushing for war on Iraq and now
for a “foolish assault on Iran”, Jewish neo-conversatives
had caused the question of “divided loyalties” to be asked -
because what Jewish neo-conservatives pushed and are pushing
for is not in America’s own best interests. (As Mearsheimer
and Walt argued in great detail).
Klein was accused by
the usual cast of those who support Israel right or wrong of
being anti-Semitic; but he refused to back down, accusing
his accusers of using charges of anti-Semitism to silence
his and other criticism of neo-conservative policies. Klein
said those who called him anti-Semitic were wrong. What then
was he? “I am anti neo-conversative,” he told Luban and
Lobe.
In the same article
they quote MJ. Rosenberg, a former AIPAC staffer now
associated with the moderate Israel Policy Forum, as saying,
“Although most neocons are Jews, few Jews are neocons.” That
is undoubtedly so, which is a tribute to the effectiveness
of the few who are. Luban and Lobe also quote Rosenburg as
expressing the hope that commentators would “stop
equating neo-conservatism with Judaism.” (My emphasis
added).
Indeed they should,
but there is a much bigger and related imperative. As I
never tire of writing and saying, commentators should
stop equating Zionism with Judaism. The difference
between the two, why they are total opposites, is THE
key to understanding who must do what and why for justice
and peace in the Middle East.
For those who are not
familiar with the matter, I must add that I am, of course,
aware that there are two kinds of Zionism - one purely
spiritual, the other political. In the sense that religious
Jews look to Jerusalem as their spiritual home, it can be
said that all religious Jews are spiritual Zionists. The
Zionism that should not be equated with Judaism is political
Zionism. And why is not all that complicated.
Judaism is the
religion of Jews, not “the” Jews because not all Jews are
religious. Like Chistianity and Islam, Judaism has at its
core a set or moral values and ethical principles.
Political Zionism is a
sectarian, colonial ideology which created in the Arab
heartland, mainly by terrorism and ethnic cleansing, a state
for some Jews. Simply put, political Zionism made a mockey
of, and has contempt for, Judaism’s moral values and ethical
prnciples.
Political Zionism’s
own ethic was set down in writing by Vladimir Jabotsinky,
the founding father of Israel’s army. He was a Russian Jew
born in Odessa in 1880. In 1923, years before Adolf Hitler
came to power, he published The Iron Wall, which
became the main inspirational text for all Jewish
nationalists who committed themselves to Zionism’s colonial
enterprise. Its purpose was to take for keeping the maximum
amount of Arab land with the minimum number of Arabs on it.
In The Iron Wall, Jabotinsky was brutally frank about
what Zionism’s ethic had to be. He wrote this (my emphasis
added):
“Zionism is a
colonizing adventure and therefore it stands or falls by
the question of armed force. There is no other ethic.
It is important to speak Hebrew but, unfortunately, it is
even more important to be able to shoot- or else I am
through with playing at colonization. To the hackneyed
reproach that this point of view is unethical, I answer -
absolutely untrue. As long as there is the faintest spark
of hope for the Arabs to impede us, they will not sell these
hopes - not for any tasty morsel because this is not a
rabble but a people, a living people. And no people
makes such enormous concessions on such fateful questions,
except when there is no hope left, until we have removed
every opening visible in the Iron Wall.”
In the light of
subsequent events including the obscenity of the Nazi
holocaust, an honest, up-to-date statement of what political
Zionism is really all about would be something like the
following:
Jews can never again
trust Gentiles. If the Gentile world cannot understand why
the Zionist state of Israel must do what it’s doing to hold
and keep what it has (most if not all of it), the Gentile
world can go to hell.”
In private
conversation I once asked Israel’s one-eyed warlord, General
Moshe Dayan, the creator in 1967 of Greater Israel, why it
had nuclear weapons when, I said, we both knew it didn’t
need them vis-à-vis the Arabs. He replied to this
effect: “Ben Gurion wasn’t stupid, I’m not stupid. We know
how the real world works. We took it as read that a day will
come when even our best friends will say to us, ‘You’ve
become a liability and to protect our own best interests we
want you to do this.’” The obvious implication, which Dayan
knew he didn’t have to put into words for me, was that if
ever a day came when America required Israel to do what it
did not consider to be in its own best interests, an Israeli
leader would say something very like, “Mr. President, don’t
push as further than we are prapared to go because, if we
must, we’ll use all the weapons at our disposal.” Simply
stated, Israel went nuclear in order to possess the ultimate
in blackmail cards. At about the time Dayan said that to me,
Prime Minister Golda Meir also told me, on-the-record during
the course of an interview I did with her for the BBC’s
Panorama programme, that in a doomsday situation Israel
would be prepared to take the region and the whole world
down with it. (Her full quote with its context is as set
down on page xii of Waiting for the Apocalypse, the
Prologue to Volume One of Zionism: The Real Enemy of the
Jews).
Question: Why, really,
is it so important for the citizens of the mainly Gentile
nations of the Judeo-Christian or Western world to be made
aware of the difference between Judaism and political
Zionism?
The answer is in two
related parts.
One is that knowledge
of the difference is the key to understanding why it is
perfectly possible to be passionately anti-Zionist (opposed
to Zionism’s still on-going colonial enterprise) without
being in any way, shape or form anti-Semitic (meaning
anti-Jew because Arabs are Semites, too).
The other is that
knowledge of the difference explains why it is wrong to
blame all Jews everywhere, or even all Israelis, for the
crimes of the hardest core Zionist few in Palestine that
became Israel. (It is a fact that prior to the obscenity of
the Nazi holocaust, many if not most Jews everywhere were
opposed to Zionism’s colonial enterprise. They believed it
to be morally wrong and they feared it would lead to
unending conflict. Some also feared that there could come a
day when Zionism, if it was allowed by the major powers to
have its way, would provoke anti-Semitism).