The War in Georgia
Is a War for the West
By MIKHEIL SAAKASHVILI
President of Georgia
11/08/08 "WSJ" -- - As I write, Russia is waging war on my
country.
On Friday, hundreds of Russian tanks crossed into Georgian
territory, and Russian air force jets bombed Georgian airports,
bases, ports and public markets. Many are dead, many more
wounded. This invasion, which echoes Afghanistan in 1979 and the
Prague Spring of 1968, threatens to undermine the stability of
the international security system.
Why this war? This is the question my people are asking. This
war is not of Georgia's making, nor is it Georgia's choice.
The Kremlin designed this war. Earlier this year, Russia tried
to provoke Georgia by effectively annexing another of our
separatist territories, Abkhazia. When we responded with
restraint, Moscow brought the fight to South Ossetia.
Ostensibly, this war is about an unresolved separatist conflict.
Yet in reality, it is a war about the independence and the
future of Georgia. And above all, it is a war over the kind of
Europe our children will live in. Let us be frank: This conflict
is about the future of freedom in Europe.
No country of the former Soviet Union has made more progress
toward consolidating democracy, eradicating corruption and
building an independent foreign policy than Georgia. This is
precisely what Russia seeks to crush.
This conflict is therefore about our common trans-Atlantic
values of liberty and democracy. It is about the right of small
nations to live freely and determine their own future. It is
about the great power struggles for influence of the 20th
century, versus the path of integration and unity defined by the
European Union of the 21st. Georgia has made its choice.
When my government was swept into power by a peaceful revolution
in 2004, we inherited a dysfunctional state plagued by two
unresolved conflicts dating to the early 1990s. I pledged to
reunify my country -- not by the force of arms, but by making
Georgia a pole of attraction. I wanted the people living in the
conflict zones to share in the prosperous, democratic country
that Georgia could -- and has -- become.
In a similar spirit, we sought friendly relations with Russia,
which is and always will be Georgia's neighbor. We sought deep
ties built on mutual respect for each other's independence and
interests. While we heeded Russia's interests, we also made it
clear that our independence and sovereignty were not negotiable.
As such, we felt we could freely pursue the sovereign choice of
the Georgian nation -- to seek deeper integration into European
economic and security institutions.
We have worked hard to peacefully bring Abkhazia and South
Ossetia back into the Georgian fold, on terms that would fully
protect the rights and interests of the residents of these
territories. For years, we have offered direct talks with the
leaders of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, so that we could discuss
our plan to grant them the broadest possible autonomy within the
internationally recognized borders of Georgia.
But Russia, which effectively controls the separatists,
responded to our efforts with a policy of outright annexation.
While we appealed to residents of Abkhazia and South Ossetia
with our vision of a common future, Moscow increasingly took
control of the separatist regimes. The Kremlin even appointed
Russian security officers to arm and administer the self-styled
separatist governments.
Under any circumstances, Russia's meddling in our domestic
affairs would have constituted a gross violation of
international norms. But its actions were made more egregious by
the fact that Russia, since the 1990s, has been entrusted with
the responsibility of peacekeeping and mediating in Abkhazia and
South Ossetia. Rather than serve as honest broker, Russia became
a direct party to the conflicts, and now an open aggressor.
As Europe expanded its security institutions to the Black Sea,
my government appealed to the Western community of nations --
particularly European governments and institutions -- to play a
leading role in resolving our separatist conflicts. The key to
any resolution was to replace the outdated peacekeeping and
negotiating structures created almost two decades ago, and
dominated by Russia, with a genuine international effort.
But Europe kept its distance and, predictably, Russia escalated
its provocations. Our friends in Europe counseled restraint,
arguing that diplomacy would take its course. We followed their
advice and took it one step further, by constantly proposing new
ideas to resolve the conflicts. Just this past spring, we
offered the separatist leaders sweeping autonomy, international
guarantees and broad representation in our government.
Our offers of peace were rejected. Moscow sought war. In April,
Russia began treating the Georgian regions of Abkhazia and South
Ossetia as Russian provinces. Again, our friends in the West
asked us to show restraint, and we did. But under the guise of
peacekeeping, Russia sent paratroopers and heavy artillery into
Abkhazia. Repeated provocations were designed to bring Georgia
to the brink of war.
When this failed, the Kremlin turned its attention to South
Ossetia, ordering its proxies there to escalate attacks on
Georgian positions. My government answered with a unilateral
cease-fire; the separatists began attacking civilians and
Russian tanks pierced the Georgian border. We had no choice but
to protect our civilians and restore our constitutional order.
Moscow then used this as pretext for a full-scale military
invasion of Georgia.
Over the past days, Russia has waged an all-out attack on
Georgia. Its tanks have been pouring into South Ossetia. Its
jets have bombed not only Georgian military bases, but also
civilian and economic infrastructure, including demolishing the
port of Poti on the Black Sea coast. Its Black Sea fleet is now
massing on our shores and an attack is under way in Abkhazia.
What is at stake in this war?
Most obviously, the future of my country is at stake. The people
of Georgia have spoken with a loud and clear voice: They see
their future in Europe. Georgia is an ancient European nation,
tied to Europe by culture, civilization and values. In January,
three in four Georgians voted in a referendum to support
membership in NATO. These aims are not negotiable; now, we are
paying the price for our democratic ambitions.
Second, Russia's future is at stake. Can a Russia that wages
aggressive war on its neighbors be a partner for Europe? It is
clear that Russia's current leadership is bent on restoring a
neocolonial form of control over the entire space once governed
by Moscow.
If Georgia falls, this will also mean the fall of the West in
the entire former Soviet Union and beyond. Leaders in
neighboring states -- whether in Ukraine, in other Caucasian
states or in Central Asia -- will have to consider whether the
price of freedom and independence is indeed too high.
Mr. Saakashvili is president of Georgia.
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