.
Israel Is Inciting Washington To Take
On Syria
Translated from Le Figaro (Paris), April 14:
http://irak.figaro.net//enjeux/20030414.FIG0770.html
WAR IN IRAQ: The Israeli prime minister, who is hoping that the
American
victory will increase the pressure on Damascus, is talking about
concessions
on the settlements
Washington is keeping up its accusations directed as Syria. After
reproaching Damascus with facilitating the flight of senior Iraqi
officials
and letting entire busloads of "mercenaries" enter Iraq to
fight
Anglo-American forces, the United States is convinced that the country
harbors
weapons of mass destruction. "We believe that there are
chemical arms in
Syria," George W. Bush said yesterday. The American president
refused to
discuss, however, the possibility of an American intervention in Syria.
"Every situation requires a different response. Right now,
we're in Iraq.
The second thing, with regard to Syria, is that we expect
cooperation," he
declared. [Reverse translation from French]**
Pierre Prier
Le Figaro
Jerusalem
April 14, 2003
After Iraq, Syria? Israel is not concealing her desire to see the
United
States take on her neighbor to the north, the only country on her
border, in
addition to her Lebanese "protectorate," with which it has not
signed a peace
treaty. Israel wants Damascus to stop hosting the foreign
headquarters of the
Palestinian Islamic parties Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Ariel Sharon
would also
like to see disappear the threat in southern Lebanon represented by
Hezbollah,
the armed Lebanese Shi'ite movement "sponsored" by Syria and
Iran. That's
what Ephraim Halevy, Ariel Sharon's national security advisor and former
head
of Mossad, the Israeli intelligence agency, must be telling Washington.
Two
days ago, before a group of students, Gen. Amos Gilad, "national
spokesperson"
on the Iraqi conflict, gave an indication of Israeli aspirations.
For the
general, there is an opportunity to be seized: "The fall of Saddam
Hussein has
an enormous importance for Israel. His defeat has deprived Syria
of strategic
depth. Bachar el-Assad is isolated. Now changes have to take
place in
Syria."
For his part, Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz reiterated yesterday the
Israeli
accusation made against Syria of stocking arms for Iraq. "The
transfer of
Iraqi arms to Syria is showing its dangerous side."
What "changes" are the Israeli officials talking about?
Leaders are still
evasive on this point and refer questions to the United States.
Ariel Sharon
is content to see, alongside American pressure, the emergence of this
"new
Near East" that Israel was expecting after the American victory.
Syria remains a thorn in Israel's foot. First, there was the
failure of Ehud
Barak to conclude a peace treaty with Damascus in 1999, then there was
the
death of Hafez el-Assad in June 2000, after thirty years in power.
But today
that pragmatic leader is missed. "He usually knew where the
thresholds not to
cross were," confided one member of the security apparatus.
Since then, it's the unknown. Israel still hasn't figured out how
to get
along with president Bachar el-Assad, 37 years of age. An
ophthamologist,
this ungainly young man had to have a crash course to occupy a position
destined for his elder brother Bassel, who died in an accident in 1994.
According to Israeli intelligence, Bachar is still trying to consolidate
his
power in Syria and the Arab world. Hezbollah and the Palestinian
cause, say
specialists, are for him a rallying point as well as source of danger.
"This
is a way for him to take on the stature of a fighter," says one
analyst. "For
Syria, Hezbollah represents a source of legitimacy, a way to fight
Israel
without paying the price," a senior national security official
emphasizes.
This complex game has its rules, though. Israeli Syria and Lebanon
specialists know that Hezbollah, a political movement endowed with a
small
well-equipped and well-trained army, has its own interests and its own
limits.
"Ever since we left southern Lebanon unilaterally in May
2000, they have to
find new pretexts in order to maintain their identity as the party of
jihad
against Israel," continues the specialist. "But it's
hard in a global
environment where terrorism is no longer accepted."
The Shi'ite party, which had fallen idle after the Israeli retreat, has
been
back at work since the beginning of the intifida in September 2000.
The
Palestinian uprising has fed a fiery rhetoric, even as Hezbollah
increases
attacks against the Israeli border -- most of the time within clear
limits.
Hezbollah, according to an analysis by Jaffee, the Center of Strategic
Studies, a highly regarded independent think tank, also has to take into
account its status in Lebanese society: "It has no interest
in appearing as
the cause of massive Israeli reprisals against Lebanon." Most
of the shelling
takes place in the "Shebaa Farms" zone, a small area which,
thanks to a claim
on it made by Lebanon, has acquired the status of a disputed territory.
Israel reacted in April 2001 by striking Syrian radars in Lebanon.
But the
Jewish state is also observing a certain restraint. Israel has not
opened a
new front, even when Hezbollah kidnapped three soldiers, who are still
missing. The game is complicated by the intervention by Iran, the
other
godfather of the movement. Teheran, which likewise wants to
maintain an
anti-Israeli nucleus through the proxy Hezbollah, also wishes to avoid
open
conflict. In April 2002, the Iranian minister of foreign affairs,
Kamal
Kharazi, traveled to Beirut to ask Hezbollah to ease up.
According to Israel, the control of the two godfathers is never
complete,
however. Bachar el-Assad is said to have less authority over the
Shi'ite
movement, and it is also said that he sometimes fails to recognize
"red
lines." Syria is said to have furnished dozens of missiles in
the 50- to
70-kilometer range, threatening several Israeli cities. It's this
dangerous
game of "how much too far to go" that may be challenged in the
post-Iraq war
context.
--
Translated by Mark K. Jensen
Associate Professor of French
Chair, Department of Languages and Literatures
Pacific Lutheran University
Tacoma, WA 98447-0003
Phone: 253-535-7219
Webpage: http://www.plu.edu/~jensenmk/
E-mail: jensenmk@plu.edu
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