of the US-Israel Relationship, Part I
How the "Special
Relationship" was created
By Alison Weir
June 26, 2012 "Information
-- While many people are led to believe that US support for
Israel is driven by the American establishment and U.S. national
interests, the facts don’t support this theory. The reality is
that for decades U.S. experts opposed Israel and its founding
movement. They were simply outmaneuvered and eventually
Like many American policies, U.S. Middle East policies are
driven by a special interest lobby. However, the Israel Lobby,
as it is called today in the U.S., consists of vastly more
than what most people envision in the word “lobby.”
As this article will demonstrate, it is considerably more
powerful and pervasive than other lobbies. Components of it,
both individuals and groups, have worked underground, secretly
and even illegally throughout its history, as documented by
scholars and participants.
And even though the movement for Israel has been operating in
the U.S. for over a hundred years, most Americans are completely
unaware of this movement and its attendant ideology – a measure
of its unique power over public knowledge.
The success of this movement to achieve its goals, partly due to
the hidden nature of much of its activity, has been staggering.
It has also been at almost unimaginable cost.
It has led to massive tragedy in the Middle East: a hundred-year
war of violence and loss; sacred land soaked in sorrow.
What is less widely known is how profoundly damaging this
movement has been to the United States itself.
As we will see in this two-part examination of the pro-Israel
movement, it has targeted virtually every significant sector of
American society; worked to involve Americans in tragic,
unnecessary, and profoundly costly wars; dominated Congress for
decades; increasingly determined which candidates could become
serious contenders for the U.S. presidency; and promoted bigotry
toward an entire population, religion and culture.
It has promoted policies that have exposed Americans to growing
danger, and then exaggerated this danger (while disguising its
cause), fueling recent actions that dismember some of our
nation’s most fundamental freedoms and cherished principles.
All this for a nation that today has reached a peak population
of, at most, 7.4 million people; smaller than New Jersey.
The Israel Lobby is just the tip of an older and far larger
iceberg known as “political Zionism,” an international movement
that began in the late 1800s with the goal of creating a Jewish
state somewhere in the world. In 1897 this movement, led by a
European journalist named Theodore Herzl, coalesced in the
First Zionist World Congress, held in Basle, Switzerland, which
established the World Zionist Organization, representing
approximately 120 groups the first year; 900 the next.
While Zionists considered such places as Argentina, Uganda, and
Texas, they eventually settled on Palestine for the location
of their proposed Jewish State, even though Palestine was
already inhabited by a population that was 95 percent Muslims
and Christians, who owned 99 percent of the land. As numerous
Zionist diary entries, letters, and other documents show,
Zionists planned to push out these non-Jews – financially, if
possible; violently if necessary.
Political Zionism in the U.S.
In the 1880s groups advocating the setting up of a Jewish state
began popping up around the United States. Emma Lazarus, the
poet whose words would adorn the Statue of Liberty, promoted
Zionism throughout this decade. A precursor to the Israeli
flag was created in Boston in 1891.
Reports from the Zionist World Congress in Basle, which four
Americans had attended, gave this movement a major stimulus,
galvanizing Zionist activities in American cities that had large
By the early 1890s organizations promoting Zionism existed in
New York, Chicago, Baltimore, Milwaukee, Boston, Philadelphia,
and Cleveland. In 1897-98 numerous additional Zionist
societies were founded in the East and the Midwest. In 1898 the
first annual conference of American Zionists convened in New
York on the 4th of July, where they formed the Federation of
American Zionists (FAZ).
In 1887 President Grover Cleveland appointed a Jewish ambassador
to Turkey, which at that time controlled Palestine, Zionists’
target location for a Jewish state. Jewish historian David G.
Dalin reports that presidents recognized the importance of the
Turkish embassy for Jewish Americans, “…especially for the
growing number of Zionists within the American Jewish
electorate, since the Jewish homeland of Palestine remained
under the direct control of the Turkish government.”
Every president, both Republican and Democrat, followed this
precedent for the next 30 years. “During this era, the
ambassadorship to Turkey came to be considered a quasi-Jewish
domain,” writes Dalin. 
By 1910 the number of Zionists in the U.S. approached 20,000 and
included lawyers, professors, and businessmen. Even in its
infancy, when it was still considered relatively weak, Zionism
was becoming a movement to which Congressmen listened,
particularly in the eastern cities.
The movement continued to expand, and by 1914 several additional
Zionist groups had cropped up. The religious Mizrachi faction
was formed in 1903, the Labor party in 1905 and Hadassah, the
women’s Zionist organization, in 1912. And this was still just
A Zionist official writing in 1912 proudly proclaimed “the
zealous and incessant propaganda which is carried on by
By 1922 there were 200,000 Zionists in the U.S. and by 1948 this
had grown to almost a million.  The Yiddish press from a
very early period espoused the Zionist cause. By 1923 only one
New York Yiddish newspaper failed to qualify as Zionist. Yiddish
dailies reached 535,000 families in 1927.
The State Department Objects
State Department officials – not dependent on votes and campaign
donations, and charged with recommending and implementing
policies beneficial to all Americans, not just one tiny sliver
working on behalf of a foreign entity – were less enamored with
Zionists, who they felt were trying to use the American
government for a project damaging to the United States. In memo
after memo, year after year, U.S. diplomatic and military
experts pointed out that Zionism was counter to both U.S.
interests and principles.
Secretary of State Philander Knox was perhaps the first in the
pattern of State Department officials rejecting Zionist
advances. In 1912, when the Zionist Literary Society approached
the Taft administration for an endorsement, Knox turned them
down flat, noting that “problems of Zionism involve certain
matters primarily related to the interests of countries other
than our own.”
Despite that small setback in 1912, Zionists` garnered a far
more significant victory in the same year; one that was to have
enormous consequences both internationally and in the United
States and that was part of a pattern of influence that
continues through today.
Louis Brandeis, Zionism, and the “Parushim”
In 1912 prominent Jewish American attorney Louis Brandeis, who
was to go on to become a Supreme Court Justice, became a
Zionist. Within two years he became head of the international
Zionist Central Office, which had moved to America from Germany
a little while before.
While Brandeis is an unusually well known Supreme Court Justice,
very few Americans are aware of the significant role he played
in World War I and of his connection to Palestine.
Brandeis recruited ambitious young men, often from Harvard, to
work on the Zionist cause – and further their careers in the
process. Author Peter Grose writes:
“Brandeis created an elitist secret society called the Parushim,
the Hebrew word for ‘Pharisees’ and ‘separate,’ which grew out
of Harvard’s Menorah Society. As the Harvard men spread out
across the land in their professional pursuits, their interests
in Zionism were kept alive by secretive exchanges and the
trappings of a fraternal order. Each invited initiate underwent
a solemn ceremony, swearing the oath 'to guard and to obey and
to keep secret the laws and the labor of the fellowship, its
existence and its aims.'”
At the secret initiation ceremony, the new member was told:
"You are about to take a step which will bind you to a single
cause for all your life. You will for one year be subject to an
absolute duty whose call you will be impelled to heed at any
time, in any place, and at any cost. And ever after, until our
purpose shall be accomplished, you will be fellow of a
brotherhood whose bond you will regard as greater than any other
in your life–dearer than that of family, of school, of
‘We must work silently, through education and infection’
An early recruiter explained: “An organization which has the
aims we have must be anonymous, must work silently, and through
education and infection rather than through force and noise.” He
wrote that to work openly would be "suicidal" for their
Grose reports their methodology:
“The members set about meeting people of influence here and
there, casually, on a friendly basis. They planted suggestions
for action to further the Zionist cause long before official
government planners had come up with anything. For example, as
early as November 1915, a leader of the Parushim went around
suggesting that the British might gain some benefit from a
former declaration in support of a Jewish national homeland in
Brandeis was a close personal friend of President Woodrow Wilson
and used this position to advocate for the Zionist cause, at
times serving as a conduit between British Zionists and the
In 1916 President Wilson named Brandeis to the Supreme Court.
Although Brandeis officially resigned from all his private clubs
and affiliations, including his leadership of Zionism, behind
the scenes he continued this Zionist work, receiving daily
reports in his Supreme Court chambers and issuing orders to his
When the Zionist Organization of America (ZOA) was reorganized
in 1918, Brandeis was listed as its “honorary president.”
However, he was more than just “honorary.”
As historian Donald Neff writes, “Through his lieutenants, he
remained the power behind the throne.” One of these lieutenants
was future Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, another
particularly well-regarded justice, and another whose Zionist
activities have largely gone unnoted.
Zionist membership expanded dramatically during World War I,
despite the efforts of some Jewish anti-Zionists, who called the
movement a “foreign, un-American, racist, and separatist
World War I & the Balfour Declaration
Unlike some wars, most analysts consider WWI a pointless
conflict that resulted from diplomatic entanglements rather than
some travesty of justice or aggression. Yet, it was catastrophic
to a generation of Europeans.
The United States joined this unnecessary war a few years into
the hostilities, costing many American lives, even though the
U.S. was not party to the alliances that had drawn other nations
into the fray. This even though Americans had been strongly
opposed to entering the war and President Woodrow Wilson had won
with the slogan, “He kept us out of war.”
Americans today are aware of these facts. What few know is that
Zionists pushed for the U.S. to enter the war on Britain’s side
as part of a deal to gain British support for their colonization
From the very beginning of their movement, Zionists realized
that if they were to succeed in their goal of creating a Jewish
state on land that was already inhabited by non-Jews, they
needed backing from one of the “Great Powers.” They tried the
Ottoman Empire, which controlled Palestine at the time, but were
turned down (although they were told that Jews could settle
throughout other parts of the Ottoman empire and become Turkish
They then turned to Britain, which was also initially less than
enthusiastic. Famous English Arabists such as Gertrude Bell
pointed out that Palestine was Arab and that Jerusalem was
sacred to all three major monotheistic faiths.
Future Foreign Minister Lord George Curzon similarly stated that
Palestine was already inhabited by half a million Arabs who
would “not be content to be expropriated for Jewish immigrants
or to act merely as hewers of wood and drawers of water for the
However, once the British were embroiled in World War I, and
particularly during 1916, a disastrous year for the Allies,
Zionists were able to play a winning card. Zionist leaders
promised the British government that Zionists in the U.S. would
push America to enter the war on the side of the British, if the
British promised to support a Jewish home in Palestine
As a result, in 1917 British Foreign Minister Lord Balfour
issued a letter to Zionist leader Lord Rothschild. Known as the
Balfour Declaration, this letter promised that Britain would
“view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national
home for the Jewish people” and to “use their best endeavours to
facilitate the achievement of this object.”
The letter then qualified this somewhat by stating that it
should be “clearly understood that nothing shall be done which
may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing
non-Jewish communities in Palestine.” The “non-Jewish
communities” were 90 percent of Palestine’s population at that
time, vigorous Zionist immigration efforts having slightly
expanded the percentage of Jews living in Palestine by then.
The letter, while officially signed by British Foreign Minister
Lord Balfour, was actually written by Leopold Amery, a British
official who, it came out later, was a secret Zionist.
While this letter was a less than ringing endorsement of
Zionism, Zionists considered it a major breakthrough as it
cracked open a door that they would later force wider and wider
These Balfour-WWI negotiations are referred to in various
documents. For example, Samuel Landman, secretary of the World
Zionist Organization, described them in a 1935 article in World
“After an understanding had been arrived at between Sir Mark
Sykes and [Zionists] Weizmann and Sokolow, it was resolved to
send a secret message to Justice Brandeis that the British
Cabinet would help the Jews to gain Palestine in return for
active Jewish sympathy and for support in the USA for the Allied
cause, so as to bring about a radical pro-Ally tendency in the
British Colonial Secretary Lord Cavendish, in a memorandum to
the British Cabinet in 1923, reminded his colleagues:
“The object [of the Balfour Declaration] was to enlist the
sympathies on the Allied side of influential Jews and Jewish
organizations all over the world… and it is arguable that the
negotiations with the Zionists…did in fact have considerable
effect in advancing the date at which the United States
government intervened in the war.”
Former British Prime Minister Lloyd George similarly referred to
this deal, telling a British commission in 1935:
“Zionist leaders gave us a definite promise that, if the Allies
committed themselves to giving facilities for the establishment
of a national home for the Jews in Palestine, they would do
their best to rally Jewish sentiment and support throughout the
world to the Allied cause. They kept their word.”
American career Foreign Service Officer Evan M. Wilson, who had
served as Minister-Consul General in Jerusalem, writes of
“The pledge was given to the Jews largely for the purpose of
enlisting Jewish support in the war and of forestalling a
similar promise by the Central Powers [Britain’s enemies in
World War I]”.
In 1917 President Wilson, who had been voted into office by
Americans who believed his promises that he would keep them out
of the war, changed course and plunged the U.S. into a tragic
and pointless European conflict in which hundreds of thousands
were killed and injured. Over 1,200 American citizens who
opposed the war were rounded up and imprisoned, some for
The influence of Brandeis and other Zionists in the U.S. had
enabled Zionists to form an alliance with Britain, one of the
world’s great powers, a remarkable achievement for a non-state
group and a measure of Zionists’ immense power. As historian
Kolsky states, the Zionist movement was now “an important force
in international politics.”
Paris Peace Conference 1919: Zionists defeat Christian leaders’
calls for self-determination
After the war, the victors met in a peace conference and agreed
to a set of Peace Accords that addressed, among many issues, the
fate of Ottoman Empire’s Middle East territories. The Allies
stripped the defeated Empire of its Middle Eastern holdings and
divided them between Britain and France, which were to hold them
under a “mandate” system until the populations were “ready” for
self-government. Britain got the mandate over Palestine.
Zionists, including Brandeis, Felix Frankfurter, the World
Zionist Organization, and an American delegation, went to the
conference to lobby for a Jewish “home” in Palestine and to
push for Balfour wording to be incorporated in the peace
accords. The official U.S. delegation to the Peace
Conference also contained a number of highly placed Zionists.
Distinguished American Christians posted in the Middle East, who
consistently supported self-determination, went to Paris to
oppose Zionists. Numerous prominent Christian leaders in the
U.S. – including two of the most celebrated pastors of their day
– also opposed Zionism. However, as a pro-Israel author notes,
they were “simply outgunned” by Zionists.
The most prominent American in the Middle East at the time, Dr.
Howard Bliss, President of Beirut’s Syrian Protestant College
(later to become the American University of Beirut), traveled to
Paris to urge forming a commission to determine what the people
of the Middle East wanted for themselves, a suggestion that was
embraced by the U.S. diplomatic staff in Paris.
Princeton Professor Philip Brown, in Cairo for the YMCA,
provided requested reports to the U.S. State Department on what
Zionism's impact would be on Palestine. He stated that it would
be disastrous for both Arabs and Jews and went to Paris to lobby
William Westermann, director of the State Department’s Western
Asia Division, which covered the region, similarly opposed the
Zionist position. He wrote that "[it] impinges upon the rights
and the desires of most of the Arab population of Palestine.”
Westermann and other US diplomats felt that Arab claims were
much more in line with Wilson’s principles of self-determination
and circulated Arab material.
President Wilson decided to send a commission to Palestine to
investigate the situation in person. After spending six weeks in
the area interviewing both Jews and Palestinians, the
commission, known as the King-Crane commission, recommended
against the Zionist position of unlimited immigration of Jews to
make Palestine a distinctly Jewish state.
The commissioners stated that the erection of a Jewish state in
Palestine could be accomplished only with “the gravest trespass
upon the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish
communities in Palestine,” pointing out that to subject the
Palestinians “to steady financial and social pressure to
surrender the land, would be a gross violation of the principle
[of self-determination] and of the peoples’ rights…”
They went on to point out that “the well-being and development”
of the people in the region formed “a sacred trust,” that the
people should become completely free, and that the national
governments “should derive their authority from the initiative
and free choice of the native populations.”
The report stated said that meetings with Jewish representatives
made it clear that "the Zionists looked forward to a practically
complete dispossession of the present non-Jewish inhabitants of
Palestine,” concluded that armed force would be required to
accomplish this, and urged the Peace Conference to dismiss the
Zionist proposals. The commission recommended that "the
project for making Palestine distinctly a Jewish commonwealth
should be given up.”
Zionists through Brandeis dominated the situation, however, and
the report was suppressed until after the Peace Accords were
enacted. As a pro-Israel historian noted, “with the burial of
the King-Crane Report, a major obstacle in the Zionist path
disappeared.” The US delegation was forced to follow Zionist
Ultimately, the mandate over Palestine given to Britain,
supported the Zionist project and included the Balfour language.
According to the mandate, Britain would be “responsible for
putting into effect the [Balfour] declaration … in favor of the
establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish
people, it being clearly understood that nothing should be done
which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing
non-Jewish communities in Palestine….”
Brandeis and Frankfurter vs. U.S. diplomat
The idea behind Zionism was to create a state where Jews
worldwide could escape anti-Semitism.
There are various documented cases in which fanatical Zionists
exploited, exaggerated, invented, or even perpetrated
“anti-Semitic” incidents both to procure support and to drive
Jews to immigrate to the Zionist-designated homeland. A few
examples are discussed below.
One such case involved a young diplomat named Hugh Gibson, who
in 1919 was nominated to be U.S. Ambassador to Poland. After he
arrived in Poland, Gibson, who was highly regarded and
considered particularly brilliant, began to report that
there were far fewer anti-Semitic incidents than Americans were
led to believe. He wrote his mother: “These yarns are
exclusively of foreign manufacture for anti-Polish
His dispatches came to the attention of Brandeis and his protégé
(and future supreme Court Justice) Felix Frankfurter, who
demanded a meeting with Gibson. Gibson later wrote of their
“I had [Brandeis and Frankfurter claimed] done more mischief to
the Jewish race than anyone who had lived in the last century.
They said…that my reports on the Jewish question had gone around
the world and had undone their work…. They finally said that I
had stated that the stories of excesses against the Jews were
exaggerated, to which I replied that they certainly were and I
should think any Jew would be glad to know it.”
Frankfurter hinted that if Gibson continued these reports,
Zionists would block his confirmation by the Senate.
Gibson was outraged and sent a 21-page letter to the State
Department. In it he shared his suspicions that this was part of
“a conscienceless and cold-blooded plan to make the condition of
the Jews in Poland so bad that they must turn to Zionism for
In 1923 another American diplomat in Poland, Vice Consul Monroe
Kline, echoed Gibson’s analysis:
“It is common knowledge that Zionists are continually and
constantly spreading propaganda, through their agencies over the
entire world, of political and religious persecution.”
Zionists and Nazis
Perhaps the most extreme case of Zionist exploitation of
anti-Semitism to further their cause came during the rise of
Adolf Hitler. Historians have documented that Zionists sabotaged
efforts to find safe havens for Jewish refugees from Nazi
Germany in order to convince the world that Jews could only be
safe in a Jewish state.
When FDR made several efforts to provide havens for Nazi
refugees, Zionists opposed these projects because they did not
Morris Ernst, FDR’s international envoy for refugees, wrote in
his memoir that when he worked to help find refuge for those
fleeing Hitler, “…active Jewish leaders decried, sneered and
then attacked me as if I were a traitor. At one dinner party I
was openly accused of furthering this plan of freer immigration
[into the U.S.] in order to undermine political Zionism… Zionist
friends of mine opposed it.”
Ernst wrote that he found the same fanatical reaction among
almost all Jewish groups, whose leaders, he found, were “little
concerned about human blood if it is not their own.”
FDR finally gave up, telling Ernst: “We can’t put it over
because the dominant vocal Jewish leadership of America won’t
stand for it.”
Journalist Erskine B. Childers, son of a former Irish Prime
Minister, wrote in the Spectator in 1960, “One of the most
massively important features of the entire Palestine struggle
was that Zionism deliberately arranged that the plight of the
wretched survivors of Hitlerism should be a ‘moral argument’
which the West had to accept.”
He explained that “this was done by seeing to it that Western
countries did not open their doors, widely and immediately, to
the inmate of the DP [displaced persons] camps.”
Childers, author of several books on conflict resolution and
peace-keeping who later became Secretary General of the World
Federation of United Nations Associations, commented: “It is
incredible that so grave and grim a campaign has received so
little attention in accounts of the Palestine struggle – it was
a campaign that literally shaped all subsequent history. It was
done by sabotaging specific Western schemes to admit Jewish DPs.”
Zionist fake “hate” attacks on Iraq Jews
Zionists wished for a massive “in-gathering of Jews” in one
state, but most Iraqi Jews wanted nothing to do with it,
according to Iraq’s then-Chief Rabbi. “Iraqi Jews will be
forever against Zionism,” the rabbi stated[AU1] .
"Jews and Arabs have enjoyed the same rights and privileges for
1,000 years and do not regard themselves as a distinctive
separate part of this nation," the rabbi declared.
Zionists worked to change that by covertly attacking Iraqi Jews
so as to induce them to "flee" to Israel. Zionists planted bombs
in [AU2] synagogues and in an American building [AU3] "in an
attempt to portray the Iraqis as anti-American and to terrorize
the Jews," according to Author and former CIA officer Wilbur
"Soon leaflets began to appear urging Jews to flee to Israel,"
writes Eveland, and "... most of the world believed reports that
Arab terrorism had motivated the flight of the Iraqi Jews whom
the Zionists had 'rescued' really just in order to increase
Israel’s Jewish population."
Similarly, Naeim Giladi, a Jewish-Iraqi author who later lived
in Israel and the U.S., describes this program from the inside:
“I write about what the first prime minister of Israel called
‘cruel Zionism.’ I write about it because I was part of it.”
Giladi states that “Jews from Islamic lands did not emigrate
willingly to Israel.” In order “to force them to leave,” Giladi
writes, “Jews killed Jews.” He goes on to say that in an effort
“to buy time to confiscate ever more Arab lands, Jews on
numerous occasions rejected genuine peace initiatives from their
The modern Israel Lobby is born
The immediate precursor to today’s pro-Israel lobby began in the
early 1940s under the leadership of Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver,
originally from Lithuania. He created the American Zionist
Emergency Council (AZEC), which by 1943 had acquired a budget of
half a million dollars at a time when a nickel bought a loaf of
In addition to this money, Zionists had become influential in
creating the United Jewish Appeal in 1939, giving them access to
the organization’s gargantuan financial resources: $14 million
in 1941, $150 million by 1948.
With its extraordinary funding, AZEC embarked on a campaign to
target every sector of American society. In the words of AZEC
organizer Sy Kenen, it launched “a political and public
relations offensive to capture the support of Congressmen,
clergy, editors, professors, business and labor.” 
AZEC instructed activists to “make direct contact with your
local Congressman or Senator” and to go after union members,
wives and parents of servicemen, and Jewish war veterans. AZEC
provided activists with form letters to use and schedules of
anti-Zionist lecture tours to oppose and disrupt.
A measure of its power came in 1945 when Silver disliked a
British move in 1945 that would be harmful to Zionists, AZEC
booked Madison Square Garden, ordered advertisements, and mailed
250,000 announcements – the first day. By the second day they
had organized demonstrations in 30 cities, a letter-writing
campaign, and convinced 27 U.S. Senators to give speeches.
Grassroots Zionist action groups were organized with more than
400 local committees under 76 state and regional branches. AZEC
funded books, articles and academic studies; millions of
pamphlets were distributed. There were massive petition and
letter writing campaigns. AZEC targeted college presidents and
deans, managing to get more than 150 to sign one petition.
Rabbi Elmer Berger, executive director of the American Council
for Judaism, which opposed Zionism in the 1940s and 50s, writes
in his memoirs that there was a “ubiquitous propaganda campaign
reaching just about every point of political leverage in the
The Zionist Organization of America bragged of the “immensity of
our operations and their diversity” in its 48th Annual Report,
stating, “We reach into every department of American life…”
Berger and other anti-Zionist Jewish Americans tried to organize
against “the deception and cynicism with which the Zionist
machine operated,” but failed to obtain anywhere near their
level of funding. Among other things, would-be dissenters were
afraid of “the savagery of personal attacks” anti-Zionists
Berger writes that when he and a colleague opposed a Zionist
resolution in Congress, Emanuel Cellar, a New York Democrat who
was to serve in Congress for almost 50 years, told them: “They
ought to take you b…s out and shoot you.”
When it was unclear that President Harry Truman would support
Zionism, Cellar and a committee of Zionists told him that they
had persuaded Dewey to support the Zionist policy and demanded
that Truman also take this stand. Cellar reportedly pounded on
Truman’s table and said that it Truman did not do so, “We’ll run
you out of town.
Jacob Javits, another well-known Congressman, this one a
Republican, told a Zionist women’s group: “We’ll fight to death
and make a Jewish State in Palestine if it’s the last thing that
Richard Stevens, author of American Zionism and U.S. Foreign
Policy, 1942-1947, reports that Zionists infiltrated the boards
of several Jewish schools that they felt didn’t sufficiently
promote the Zionist cause. When this didn’t work, Stevens
writes, they would start their own pro-Zionist schools.
Stevens writes that in 1943-44 the ZOA distributed over a
million leaflets and pamphlets to public libraries, chaplains,
community centers, educators, ministers, writers and “others who
might further the Zionist cause.”
Alfred Lilienthal, who had worked in the State Department,
served in the U.S. Army in the Middle East from 1943-45, and
became a member of the anti-Zionist American Council for
Judaism, reports that Zionist monthly sales of books totaled
between 3,000 and 4,000 throughout 1944-45.
He reports that Zionists subsidized books by non-Jewish authors
that supported the Zionist agenda. They would then promote these
books jointly with commercial publishers. Several of them became
Zionists manufacture Christian support
Silver and other Zionists played a significant role in creating
Christian support for Zionism, a project Brandeis
Secret Zionist funds, eventually reaching $150,000 in 1946, were
used to revive an elitist Protestant group, the American
Silver’s headquarters issued a directive saying, “In every
community an American Christian Palestine Committee must be
Historian and former New York Times journalist Peter Grose,
sympathetic to Zionism, writes that the Christian committee’s
operations “were hardly autonomous. Zionist headquarters thought
nothing of placing newspaper advertisements on the clergymen’s
behalf without bothering to consult them in advance, until one
of the committee’s leaders meekly asked at least for prior
notice before public statements were made in their name.”
AZEC formed another group among clergymen, the Christian Council
on Palestine. An internal AZEC memo stated that the aim of both
groups was to “crystallize the sympathy of Christian America for
By the end of World War II the Christian Council on Palestine
had grown to 3,000 members and the American Palestine Committee
boasted a membership of 6,500 public figures, including
senators, congressmen, cabinet members, governors, state
officers, mayors, jurists, clergymen, educators, writers,
publishing, and civic and industrial leaders.
Historian Richard Stevens writes that Christian support was
largely gained by exploiting their wish to help people in need.
Steven writes that Zionists would proclaim “the tragic plight of
refugees fleeing from persecution and finding no home,” thus
linking the refugee problem with Palestine as allegedly the only
Stevens explains that the reason for this strategy was clear:
“…while many Americans might not support the creation of a
Jewish state, traditional American humanitarianism could be
exploited in favor of the Zionist cause through the refugee
Few if any of these Christian supporters had any idea that the
creation of the Jewish state would entail a massive expulsion of
hundreds of thousands of the non-Jews who made up the large
majority of Palestine’s population, creating a new and much
longer lasting refugee problem.
Nor did they learn that during and after Israel’s founding
1947-49 war, Zionist forces attacked a number of Christian
sites. Donald Neff, former Time Magazine Jerusalem bureau chief
and author of five books on Israel-Palestine, reports in detail
on Zionist attacks on Christian sites in May 1948, the month of
Neff tells us that a group of Christian leaders complained that
month that Zionists had killed and wounded hundreds of people,
including children, refugees and clergy, at Christian churches
and humanitarian institutions.
For example, the group charged that “‘many children were killed
or wounded’ by Jewish shells on the Convent of Orthodox Copts…;
eight refugees were killed and about 120 wounded at the Orthodox
Armenian Convent…; and that Father Pierre Somi, secretary to the
Bishop, had been killed and two wounded at the Orthodox Syrian
Church of St. Mark.”
“The group’s statement said Arab forces had abided by their
promise to respect Christian institutions, but that the Jews had
forcefully occupied Christian structures and been indiscriminate
in shelling churches,” reports Neff.
He quotes a Catholic priest: “‘Jewish soldiers broke down the
doors of my church and robbed many precious and sacred objects.
Then they threw the statues of Christ down into a nearby
garden.’ [The priest] added that Jewish leaders had reassured
that religious buildings would be respected, ‘but their deeds do
not correspond to their words.’"
After Zionist soldiers invaded and looted a convent in Tiberias,
the U.S. Consulate sent a bitter dispatch back to the State
Department complaining of “the Jewish attitude in Jerusalem
towards Christian institutions.’”
Zionist Colonization Efforts in Palestine
As early Zionists in the U.S. and elsewhere pushed for the
creation of a Jewish state, Zionists in Palestine simultaneously
tried to clear the land of Muslim and Christian inhabitants and
replace them with Jewish immigrants.
This was a tall order, as Muslims and Christians accounted for
more than 95 percent of the population of Palestine. Zionists
planned to try first to buy up the land until the previous
inhabitants had emigrated; failing this, they would use violence
to force them out. This dual strategy was discussed in various
written documents cited by numerous Palestinian and Israeli
As this colonial project grew, the indigenous Palestinians
reacted with occasional bouts of violence; Zionists had
anticipated this since people usually resist being expelled from
When the buy-out effort was able to obtain only a few percent of
the land, Zionists created a number of terrorist groups to fight
against both the Palestinians and the British. Terrorist and
future Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin later bragged that
Zionists had brought terrorism both to the Middle East and to
the world at large.
By the eve of the creation of Israel, the Zionist immigration
and buyout project had increased the Jewish population of
Palestine to 30 percent and land ownership from 1 percent to
approximately 6 percent.
This was in 1947, when the British at last announced that they
would end their control of Palestine. Britain turned the
territory’s fate over to the United Nations.
Since a founding principle of the UN was “self-determination of
peoples,” one would have expected to the UN to support fair,
democratic elections in which inhabitants could create their own
Instead, Zionists pushed for a General Assembly resolution to
give them a disproportionate 55 percent of Palestine. (While
they rarely announced this publicly, their stated plan was to
later take the rest of Palestine.
U.S. Officials Oppose Zionism
The U.S. State Department opposed this partition plan
strenuously, considering Zionism contrary to both fundamental
American principles and US interests.
For example, the director of the State Department’s Office of
Near Eastern and African Affairs consistently recommended
against supporting a Jewish state in Palestine. The director,
named Loy Henderson, warned that the creation of such a state
would go against locals’ wishes, imperil US interests and
violate democratic principles.
Henderson emphasized that the US would lose moral standing in
the world if it supported Zionism:
“At the present time the United States has a moral prestige in
the Near and Middle East unequaled by that of any other great
power. We would lose that prestige and would be likely for many
years to be considered as a betrayer of the high principles
which we ourselves have enunciated during the period of the
[second world] war.”
When Zionists began pushing the partition plan in the UN,
Henderson recommended strongly against supporting their
proposal, saying that such a partition would have to be
implemented by force and was “not based on any principle.” He
warned that partition “would guarantee that the Palestine
problem would be permanent and still more complicated in the
Henderson elaborated further on how plans to partition Palestine
would violate American and UN principles:
“...[Proposals for partition] are in definite contravention to
various principles laid down in the [UN] Charter as well as to
principles on which American concepts of Government are based.
These proposals, for instance, ignore such principles as
self-determination and majority rule. They recognize the
principle of a theocratic racial state and even go so far in
several instances as to discriminate on grounds of religion and
Zionists attacked Henderson virulently, calling him
“anti-Semitic,” demanding his resignation, and threatening his
family. They pressured the State Department to transfer him
elsewhere; one analyst describes this as “the historic game of
musical chairs” in which officials who recommended Middle East
policies “consistent with the nation’s interests” were moved on.
In 1948 Truman sent Henderson to the slopes of the Himalayas, as
Ambassador to Nepal (then officially under India). (In recent
years, virtually every State Department country desk has been
directed by a Zionist.)
But Henderson was far from alone in making his recommendations.
He wrote that his views were not only those of the entire Near
East Division but were shared by “nearly every member of the
Foreign Service or of the [State] Department who has worked to
any appreciable extent on Near Eastern problems.”
He wasn’t exaggerating. Official after official and agency after
agency opposed Zionism.
In 1947 the CIA reported that Zionist leadership was pursuing
objectives that would endanger both Jews and “the strategic
interests of the Western powers in the Near and Middle East.”
Henry F. Grady, who has been called “America’s top diplomatic
soldier for a critical period of the Cold War,” headed a 1946
commission aimed at coming up with a solution for Palestine.
Grady later wrote about the Zionist lobby and its damaging
effect on US national interests.
Grady argued that without Zionist pressure, the U.S. would not
have had “the ill-will with the Arab states, which are of such
strategic importance in our ‘cold war’ with the soviets.” He
also described the decisive power of the lobby:
“I have had a good deal of experience with lobbies but this
group started where those of my experience had ended..... I have
headed a number of government missions but in no other have I
ever experienced so much disloyalty…. [I]n the United States,
since there is no political force to counterbalance Zionism, its
campaigns are apt to be decisive.”
Former Undersecretary of State Dean Acheson also opposed
Zionism. Acheson’s biographer writes that Acheson “worried that
the West would pay a high price for Israel.” Another Author,
John Mulhall, records Acheson’s warning of the danger for
“...to transform [Palestine] into a Jewish State capable of
receiving a million or more immigrants would vastly exacerbate
the political problem and imperil not only American but all
Western interests in the Near East.”
The head of the State Department’s Division of Near Eastern
Affairs, Gordon P. Merriam, warned against the partition plan on
“U.S. support for partition of Palestine as a solution to that
problem can be justified only on the basis of Arab and Jewish
consent. Otherwise we should violate the principle of
self-determination which has been written into the Atlantic
Charter, the declaration of the United Nations, and the United
Nations Charter – a principle that is deeply embedded in our
foreign policy. Even a United Nations determination in favor of
partition would be, in the absence of such consent, a
stultification and violation of UN’s own charter.”
Merriam added that without consent, “bloodshed and chaos” would
follow, a tragically accurate prediction.
An internal State Department memorandum accurately predicted how
Israel would be born through armed aggression masked as defense:
“...the Jews will be the actual aggressors against the Arabs.
However, the Jews will claim that they are merely defending the
boundaries of a state which were traced by the UN.… In the event
of such Arab outside aid the Jews will come running to the
Security Council with the claim that their state is the object
of armed aggression and will use every means to obscure the fact
that it is their own armed aggression against the Arabs inside
which is the cause of Arab counter-attack.”
And American Vice Consul William J. Porter foresaw one last
outcome of the “partition” plan: that no Arab state would
actually ever come to be in Palestine.
Truman Accedes to Pro-Israel Lobby
President Harry Truman, however, ignored this advice and chose
instead to support the Zionist partition plan. Truman’s
political advisor, Clark Clifford, believed that the Jewish vote
and contributions were essential to winning the upcoming
presidential election, and that supporting the partition plan
would garner that support. (Truman’s opponent, Dewey, took
similar stands for similar reasons.)
Truman’s Secretary of State George Marshall, the renowned World
War II General and author of the Marshall Plan, was furious to
see electoral considerations taking precedence over policies
based on national interest. He condemned what he called a
“transparent dodge to win a few votes,” which would make “[t]he
great dignity of the office of President seriously diminished.”
Marshall wrote that the counsel offered by Clifford “was based
on domestic political considerations, while the problem which
confronted us was international. I said bluntly that if the
President were to follow Mr. Clifford’s advice and if in the
elections I were to vote, I would vote against the President.…”
Secretary of Defense James Forrestal also tried, unsuccessfully,
to oppose the Zionists. He was outraged that Truman’s Mideast
policy was based on what he called “squalid political purposes,”
asserting that “United States policy should be based on United
States national interests and not on domestic political
Forrestal represented the general Pentagon view when he said
that “no group in this country should be permitted to influence
our policy to the point where it could endanger our national
A report by the National Security Council warned that the
Palestine turmoil was acutely endangering the security of the
United States. A CIA report stressed the strategic importance of
the Middle East and its oil resources.
Similarly, George F. Kennan, the State Department’s Director of
Policy Planning, issued a top-secret document on January 19,
1947 that outlined the enormous damage done to the US by the
partition plan (“Report by the Policy Planning Staff on Position
of the United States with Respect to Palestine”).
Kennan cautioned that “important U.S. oil concessions and air
base rights” could be lost through US support for partition and
warned that the USSR stood to gain by the partition plan.
Kermit Roosevelt, Teddy Roosevelt’s nephew and a legendary
intelligence agent, was another who was deeply disturbed by
“The process by which Zionist Jews have been able to promote
American support for the partition of Palestine demonstrates the
vital need of a foreign policy based on national rather than
partisan interests…. Only when the national interests of the
United States, in their highest terms, take precedence over all
other considerations, can a logical, farseeing foreign policy be
evolved. No American political leader has the right to
compromise American interests to gain partisan votes.…”
He went on:
“The present course of world crisis will increasingly force upon
Americans the realization that their national interests and
those of the proposed Jewish state in Palestine are going to
conflict. It is to be hoped that American Zionists and
non-Zionists alike will come to grips with the realities of the
Pro-Israel Pressure on General Assembly Members
When it was clear that, despite US support, the partition
recommendation did not have the two-thirds support of the UN
General Assembly required to pass, Zionists pushed through a
delay in the vote. They then used this period to pressure
numerous nations into voting for the recommendation. A number of
people later described this campaign.
Robert Nathan, a Zionist who had worked for the US government
and who was particularly active in the Jewish Agency, wrote
afterward, “We used any tools at hand,” such as telling certain
delegations that the Zionists would use their influence to block
economic aid to any countries that did not vote the right way.
Another Zionist proudly stated: “Every clue was meticulously
checked and pursued. Not the smallest or the remotest of
nations, but was contacted and wooed. Nothing was left to
Financier and longtime presidential advisor Bernard Baruch told
France it would lose U.S. aid if it voted against partition. Top
White House executive assistant David Niles organized pressure
on Liberia; rubber magnate Harvey Firestone pressured Liberia.
Latin American delegates were told that the Pan-American highway
construction project would be more likely if they voted yes.
Delegates’ wives received mink coats (the wife of the Cuban
delegate returned hers); Costa Rica’s President Jose Figueres
reportedly received a blank checkbook. Haiti was promised
economic aid if it would change its original vote opposing
Longtime Zionist Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, along
with ten senators and Truman domestic advisor Clark Clifford,
threatened the Philippines (seven bills were pending on the
Philippines in Congress).
Before the vote on the plan, the Philippine delegate had given a
passionate speech against partition, defending the inviolable
“primordial rights of a people to determine their political
future and to preserve the territorial integrity of their native
The delegate went on to say that he could not believe that the
General Assembly would sanction a move that would place the
world “back on the road to the dangerous principles of racial
exclusiveness and to the archaic documents of theocratic
Twenty-four hours later, after intense Zionist pressure, the
Philippine delegate voted in favor of partition.
The U.S. delegation to the U.N. was so outraged when Truman
insisted that they support partition that the State Department
director of U.N. Affairs was sent to New York to prevent the
delegates from resigning en masse.
On Nov 29, 1947 the partition resolution, 181, passed. While
this resolution is frequently cited, it was of limited (if any)
legal impact. General Assembly resolutions, unlike Security
Council resolutions, are not binding on member states. For this
reason, the resolution requested that “[t]he Security Council
take the necessary measures as provided for in the plan for its
implementation,” which the Security Council never did. Legally,
the General Assembly Resolution was a “recommendation” and did
not create any states.
What it did do, however, was increase the fighting in Palestine.
Within months (and before Israel dates the beginning of its
founding war) the Zionists had forced out 413,794 people.
Zionist military units had stealthily been preparing for war
before the UN vote and had acquired massive weaponry, some of it
through a widespread network of illicit gunrunning operations in
the US under a number of front groups.
The UN eventually managed to create a temporary and very partial
ceasefire. A Swedish UN mediator who had previously rescued
thousands of Jews from the Nazis was dispatched to negotiate an
end to the violence. Israeli assassins killed him and Israel
continued what it was to call its “war of independence.”
At the end of this war, through a larger military force than
that of its adversaries and the ruthless implementation of plans
to push out as many non-Jews as possible, Israel came into
existence on 78 percent of Palestine.
But let us take a closer look at the violence that followed the
Massacres and the Conquest of Palestine
The passing of the partition resolution in November 1947
triggered the violence that State Department and Pentagon
analysts had predicted and for which Zionists had been
preparing. There were at least 33 massacres of Palestinian
villages, half of them before a single Arab army joined the
Zionist forces were better equipped and had more men under arms
than their opponents and by the end of Israel’s “War of
Independence” over 750,000 Palestinian men, women, and children
were ruthlessly expelled. Zionists had succeeded in the first
half of their goal: Israel, the self-described Jewish State, had
come into existence.
The massacres were carried out by Zionist forces, including
Zionist militias that had engaged in terrorist attacks in the
area for years preceding the partition resolution.
Descriptions of the massacres, by both Palestinians and
Israelis, are nightmarish. An Israeli eyewitness reported that
at the village of al-Dawayima: “The children they killed by
breaking their heads with sticks. There was not a house without
dead….One soldier boasted that he had raped a woman and then
One Palestinian woman testified that a man shot her
nine-month-pregnant sister and then cut her stomach open with a
One of the better-documented massacres occurred in a small,
neutral Palestinian village called Deir Yassin in April 1948 –
before a single Arab army had joined the conflict. A Swiss Red
Cross representative was one of the first to arrive on the
scene, where he found 254 dead, including 145 women, 35 of them
Witnesses reported that the attackers lined up families – men,
women, grandparents and children, even infants – and shot them.
An eyewitness and future colonel in the Israeli military later
wrote of the militia members: “They didn’t know how to fight,
but as murderers they were pretty good.”
The Red Cross representative who found the bodies at Deir Yassin
arrived in time to see some of the killing in action. He wrote
in his diary that Zionist militia members were still entering
houses with guns and knives when he arrived. He saw one young
Jewish woman carrying a blood-covered dagger and saw another
stab an old couple in their doorway. The representative wrote
that the scene reminded him of S.S. troops he had seen in
Richard Catling, British assistant inspector general for the
criminal division, reported on “sexual atrocities” committed by
Zionist forces. “Many young school girls were raped and later
slaughtered,” he reported. “Old women were also molested.”
The Deir Yassin attack was perpetrated by two Zionist militias
and coordinated with the main Zionist forces, whose elite unit
participated in part of the operation. The heads of the two
militias, Menachem Begin and Ytzakh Shamir, later became Prime
Ministers of Israel.
Begin, head of the Irgun who later became Prime Minister of
Israel, sent the following message to his troops about their
victory at Deir Yassin:
“Accept my congratulations on this splendid act of conquest.
Convey my regards to all the commanders and soldiers. We shake
your hands. We are all proud of the excellent leadership and the
fighting spirit in this great attack. We stand to attention in
memory of the slain. We lovingly shake the hands of the wounded.
Tell the soldiers: you have made history in Israel with your
attack and your conquest. Continue thus until victory. As in
Deir Yassin, so everywhere, we will attack and smite the enemy.
God, God, Thou has chosen us for conquest.”
Approximately six months later, Begin (who had also publicly
taken credit for a number of other terrorist acts, including
blowing up the King David Hotel in Jerusalem, killing 91 people)
came on a tour of America. The tour’s sponsors included
playwright Ben Hecht, a fervent Zionist who applauded Irgun
violence, and eventually included 11 Senators, 12 governors,
70 Congressmen, 17 Justices, and numerous other public
The State Department, fully aware of his violent activities in
Palestine, tried to reject Begin’s visa but was overruled by
Begin later proudly admitted his terrorism in an interview for
American television. When the interviewer asked him, “How does
it feel, in the light of all that’s going on, to be the father
of terrorism in the Middle East?” Begin proclaimed, “In the
Middle East? In all the world!”
Terrorists set up U.S. front groups
The Irgun had been operating in the U.S. since the 1930s. As one
of their leaders later wrote, “It was in Europe of those days
that the idea of transferring the focal point of our activity to
the United States was born, and it was from there that we left
on a mission that lasted far longer than originally
The “we” referred to a small group known as the Irgun Delegation
that operated in the U.S. from the late 1930s until 1948 and
that formed a half dozen front organizations for what they
themselves called “a military operation” and that largely
consisted of propaganda aimed at the American public.
Two of the leaders were Yitshaq Ben-Ami (father of the founder
of today’s J-Street) and “Peter Bergson,” the pseudonym of the
senior Irgun officer working outside Palestine, Hillel Kook. The
group is often called the Bergson Group.
Among their numerous activities they lobbied Congress and the
White House, organized a march on Washington, D.C. of 500
Rabbis, placed full-page ads in newspapers around the U.S., and
produced a pageant “We Will Never Die!” celebrating the Jewish
contribution to Western civilization, written by Ben Hecht,
directed by Moss Hart, featuring music by Kurt Weil, and
starring Edward G. Robinson.
Forty thousand attended its New York performances. It then went
on to play in most of America’s largest cities.
While the various organizations created by the Irgun Delegation
frequently pushed for rescuing European Jews, one of the major
demands was for the creation of a “Jewish Army of Stateless and
Palestinian Jews.” This was a goal that Revisionist Zionists had
sought even before the Nazi holocaust had begun and is believed
to have had a mixed agenda.
Author William Rubinstein writes: “It is rather difficult to
believe that Bergson’s implausible proposal did not have far
more to do with creating the nucleus of a Jewish Palestinian
force, to be used against the British and the Arabs, than with
saving Europe’s Jews from the Nazis.”
Critics point out that the delegation did not manage to rescue
any Jews during the Nazi holocaust.
Bergson-Kook’s uncle was Rabbi Avraham Yitzhak Kook, originally
from Eastern Europe, who became the “Chief Rabbi of Palestine,”
worked toward the Balfour Declaration in Britain, and most
importantly, devised an ideology that merged a kabalistic
version of religious Judaism (the Cabbala holds that every
non-Jew is an embodiment of Satan) with political Zionism,
founding an extremist religious Zionism that continues
Rabbi Kook, who achieved saintly status among his followers in
Israel and the U.S., stated: “The difference between a Jewish
soul and souls of non-Jews… is greater and deeper than the
difference between a human soul and the souls of cattle.”
In addition to spanning the Jewish religious-secular continuum,
the Delegation spanned the political spectrum, its historian
Judith Baumel writing that it “evinced many of the unique
characteristics of Eastern European protofascism” while also
forming partnerships with communists and Jews who belonged to
left-wing American groups.
All of this was hidden from view, however, as the “Bergson Boys”
aimed for the American man in the street, using tantalizing
slogans, illustrated advertisements, and “seductive
curiosity-whetting gimmicks.” As Baumel notes, the Irgun
Delegation’s primary triumph was to understand “the power of
Another terrorist front group, the Political Action Committee
for Palestine, was formed by Rabbi Baruch Korf, who indirectly
admitted that the financing of terrorism was among its
In 1948 Korf published a large advertisement in the New York
Post calling a State Department policy against enforcing
partition “pure and simple anti-Semitism… plain everyday
anti-Semitism, incorporated in the hearts and minds of those who
govern free America.”
Author Grant Smith, filing numerous Freedom of Information
Requests, has uncovered information on numerous such illegal
Zionist activities. The Truman administration, with Feinberg as
a major campaign donor, failed to act on CIA reports about
Feinberg and Zionist illicit arms trafficking from the US.
Among these was the “Sonneborn Institute,” named after its
founder, Rudolf G. Sonneborn, scion of a wealthy German-Jewish
family from Baltimore.
Sonneborn had first met Zionist leader and future Israeli Prime
Minister David Ben Gurion in 1919 when Sonneborn, at the behest
of family friend Supreme Court Justice Brandeis, had traveled to
the Versailles peace conference as secretary of a Zionist
delegation and afterward gone on a tour of Palestine.
In 1945 Sonneborn and Ben Gurion hosted a meeting of 17
well-connected guests at Sonneborn’s Manhattan penthouse. They
came from Los Angeles, Toronto, Miami, Birmingham, Philadelphia,
Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Columbus, Minneapolis, St. Louis, Newark,
New Haven and New York. One was a rabbi, five were lawyers, and
the others were highly successful businessmen.
The purpose, Ben Gurion explained, was to create a secret
underground organization that would be the American arm of the
Zionist paramilitary in Palestine, the Haganah. The organization
was to have a representative in at least 35-40 industry groups,
and in one month alone there were meetings in Memphis, Ohio, New
Jersey, Cedar Rapids, Iowa City, Baton Rouge, Dallas, Washington
DC, and 40 more were scheduled.
Their objective was to raise money and support “for purposes
which could not be publicized or even fully disclosed.” A
variety of front groups were created for military arms and
equipment smuggling of everything from machine guns to
Zionist youth groups were organized, the members sometimes
helping load guns onto boats headed for Palestine.
US authorities tried to stop what were not only illegal but also
extremely damaging activities.
In 1948 the Director of Central Intelligence, Rear Admiral R.H.
Hillenkoetter, filed a top-secret report with the Secretary of
Defense about the Zionist arms trafficking. He warned:
“U.S. National security is unfavorably affected by these
developments and it could be seriously jeopardized by continued
illicit traffic in the ‘implements of war.’”
Author Grant Smith reports that under Truman “the role of
Feinberg and Haganah operative groups active in arms trafficking
within the US, like the terrorist charges, would only be lightly
investigated and seldom prosecuted.”
Infiltrating displaced person’s camps in Europe to funnel people
A similar underground campaign was operating in Europe. Zionist
cadres infiltrated Europe’s displaced person’s camps to
orchestrate a clandestine operation to funnel people to
When it turned out that only a minority of Jewish refugees
wished to go to Palestine, a Zionist report by Rabbi Klaussner
concluded that “the people must be forced to go to Palestine.”
Author Alfred Lilienthal reports that numerous means were
employed, including confiscation of food rations, dismissal from
work, expulsion from the camps, taking away legal protection and
visa rights; in one case, “even the public flogging of a
recalcitrant recruit for the Israel Army.”
The American public, however, was led to believe that European
Jews desperately wished to go to Palestine, and the
well-organized and well-funded operation behind this (including
$25 million from the Jewish Joint Distribution Committee) was
hidden from view.
A British general who had been Eisenhower’s deputy credited with
the buildup for the Normandy invasion, Sir Frederick Morgan,
publicly noted that many of the refugees were well dressed and
well fed – “their pockets bulging with money” – and concluded
that something must be encouraging their travels.
Morgan commented: “The Jews seem to have an organized plan for
becoming a world force, a weak force numerically, but one which
will have a generating power for getting what they want.”
He was attacked viciously by the press and others; comedian
Eddie Cantor took out a New York Times ad saying, “I thought
Hitler was dead.”
The World Jewish Congress stated officially and duplicitously,
“General Morgans allegation of ‘ secret Jewish force inside
Europe aiming at a mass exodus to Palestine’ is… fanatically
Morgan was forced to apologize, despite, as a pro-Israel author
writes, “Morgan’s analysis of the situation was quite
The Sieff group:
Blocking a counter-Balfour declaration
Another secret group working on behalf of Zionism was formed in
1942 by Israel M. Sieff, a British clothing magnate who was
temporarily living in the U.S.
The Sieff group was, as historian Grose puts it, “a
sophisticated version of Brandeis’s Parushim.”
While its existence was never openly acknowledged, it grew into
the secret back channel through official Washington during the
last years of FDR’s presidency and the critical first years of
Its members included such men as Ben Cohen, a member of the
White House staff; Robert Nathan, in intelligence; David
Ginsburg, a New Deal bureaucrat; David Lilienthal, chairman of
the Tennessee Valley Authority, and David Niles, a high White
House official under both Roosevelt and Truman. Grose reports:
“The little nucleus possessed the entree and the clout to carry
the message of Jewish Palestine into the highest policymaking
circles – through casual suggestion, indirection, chance remarks
among well-placed colleagues in the corridors of power and the
salons of social Washington.”
When State Department and English diplomats, concerned that
Zionist activities were causing serious harm to the war effort,
were about to issue a “reverse Balfour” declaration on July 27,
1943 calling on these activities to cease, the Sieff group,
Felix Frankfurter, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., David Niles, Bernard
Baruch, et al took emergency, and successful, action to block
By 1949 as a result of Israel’s “War of Independence” and its
campaign to cleanse the land of as many non-Jews as
possible, there were hundreds of thousands of Palestinian
refugees. The U.S. Representative in Israel sent an urgent
report to Truman:
“Arab refugee tragedy is rapidly reaching catastrophic
proportions and should be treated as a disaster. …..Of
approximately 400,000 refugees approaching winter with cold
heavy rains will, it is estimated, kill more than 100,000 old
men, women and children who are shelterless and have little or
The number of refugees continued to grow, reaching at least
three-quarters of a million. U.S. Diplomats in Cairo and Amman
described a disastrous situation in which the “almost
nonexistent resources” of Arab countries inundated by desperate,
starving Palestinian refugees were stretched almost to the
The State Department reported that during the last nine months
of 1948 Arab states had donated $11 million to refugee aid,
stating, “This sum, in light of the very slender budgets of most
of these governments, is relatively enormous.”
During this time, the report noted, “…the total direct relief
offered…by the Israeli government to date consists of 500 cases
Meanwhile, Israel had acquired properties worth at least $480
million in 1947 dollars; one estimate put the figure at $35
billion in 1990 dollars.
Journalist and academic Anders Strindberg reports:
“In the process of 'Judaizing' Palestine, numerous convents,
hospices, seminaries, and churches were either destroyed or
cleared of their Christian owners and custodians. In one of the
most spectacular attacks on a Christian target, on May 17, 1948,
the Armenian Orthodox Patriarchate was shelled with about 100
mortar rounds—launched by Zionist forces from the already
occupied monastery of the Benedictine Fathers on Mount Zion.
"The bombardment also damaged St. Jacob’s Convent, the
Archangel’s Convent, and their appended churches, their two
elementary and seminary schools, as well as their libraries,
killing eight people and wounding 120.”
Truman, whose caving in to Zionist pressures had helped create
the disaster, now tried to convince Israel to allow the refugees
to return to their homes. His main representative working on
this was Mark Ethridge, former publisher of the Louisville
Ethridge was disgusted at Israel’s refusal, reporting to the
“What I can see is an abortion of justice and humanity to which
I do not want to be midwife…”
The State Department finally threatened to withhold $49 million
of unallocated funds from an Export-Import Bank loan to Israel
if it did not allow at least 200,000 refugees to return. The
U.S. coordinator on Palestine Refugee Matters George C. McGhee
delivered the message to the Israeli ambassador and later
described his response:
“The ambassador looked me straight in the eye and said, in
essence, that I wouldn’t get by with this move, that he would
stop it… Within an hour of my return to my office I received a
message from the White House that the President wished to
dissociated himself from any withholding of the Ex-Im Bank
Edwin Wright, a State Department Middle East specialist from
1945-66, was the subject of an oral history interview many years
later for the Truman Library. He stated when this was completed:
“The material I gave Professor McKinzie was of a very
controversial nature--one almost taboo in U.S. circles, inasmuch
as I accused the Zionists of using political pressures and even
deceit in order to get the U.S. involved in a policy of
supporting a Zionist theocratic, ethnically exclusive and
ambitious Jewish State. I, and my associates in the State
Department, felt this was contrary to U.S. interests and we were
overruled by President Truman.”
Zionist influence in the media
As historian Richard Stevens notes, Zionists early on learned to
exploit the essential nature of the American political system:
that policies can be made and un-made through force of public
opinion and pressure. Procuring influence in the media, both
paid and unpaid, has been a key component of their success.
From early on, the Zionist narrative largely dominated news
coverage of the region. A study of four leading newspapers’ 1917
coverage showed that editorial opinion almost universally
favored the Zionist position. Author Kathleen Christison notes
that “editorials and news stories alike applauded Jewish
enterprise, heralding a Jewish return to Palestine as ‘glorious
news’.” Other studies showed the same situation for the 1920s.
"The relatively heavy press coverage is an indicator of the
extent of Zionist influence even in this early period. One
scholar has estimated that, as of the mid-1920s, approximately
half of all New York Times articles were placed by press agents,
suggesting that U.S. Zionist organizations may have placed many
of the articles on Zionism’s Palestine endeavors.”
At one point when the State Department was trying to convince
Israel to allow Palestinian refugees to return, Secretary of
State Marshall wrote:
“The leaders of Israel would make a grave miscalculation if they
thought callous treatment of this tragic issue could pass
unnoted by world opinion.”
Marshall underestimated the ability of Zionists to minimize the
amount of information on this from reaching Americans. A State
Department study in March 1949 found the American public was
“unaware of the Palestine refugee problem, since it has not been
hammered away at by the press or radio.”
As author Alfred Lilienthal explained in 1953:
“The capture of the American press by Jewish nationalism was, in
fact, incredibly complete. Magazines as well as newspapers, in
news stories as well as editorial columns, gave primarily the
Zionist views of events before, during, and after
When the Saturday Evening Post published an article by Milton
Mayer that criticized Jewish nationalism (and carried two other
articles giving opposing views), Zionists organized what was
probably the worst attack on the Post in its long history.
The magazine was inundated with vitriolic mail, subscriptions
cancelled, and advertising withdrawn. The Post learned its
lesson, later refusing to publish an article that would have
again exposed it to such an onslaught, even though the editor
acknowledged that the rejected piece was a “good and eloquent
This was typical in a campaign in which Zionists exploited
sympathy for victimized Jews, and when this did not sufficiently
skew reporting about Palestine, they used financial pressure.
“If ‘voluntary’ compliance was not ‘understanding’ enough, there
was always the matter of Jewish advertising and circulation. The
threat of economic recriminations from Jewish advertisers,
combined with the fact that the fatal label of ‘Anti-Semite’
would be pinned on any editor stepping out of line, assured
fullest press cooperation.”
Author Christison records that from the moment partition was
voted by the UN, “the press played a critical role in building a
framework for thinking that would endure for decades.” She
writes that shortly before May 15, 1948, the scheduled beginning
of the Jewish State, a total of 24 U.S., British, and Australian
reporters converged on Palestine.
“Virtually all reporting was from the Jewish perspective. The
journals the Nation and the New Republic both showed what one
scholar calls ‘an overt emotional partiality’ toward the Jews.
No item published in either journal was sympathetic to the
Arabs, and no correspondent was stationed in Arab areas of
Palestine, although some reporters lived with, and sometimes
fought alongside, Jewish settlers.”
Bookstores were inundated with books espousing the Zionist point
of view to enthusiastic press reviews. Conversely, the few books
published that dared to provide a different perspective were
given scathing reviews, when they were reviewed at all.
When Professor Millar Burrows of the Yale School of Divinity, a
distinguished scholar and archaeologist, wrote Palestine Is Our
Business, the American Zionist Council distributed a publication
labeling his book “an anti-Semitic opus.”
In fact, Professor Burrows’ life history showed the opposite. He
had been one of the organizers and Vice-President of the
National Committee to Combat Anti-Semitism and had long been
active in the interfaith movement in New Haven.
When the eminent dean of Barnard College, Virginia Gildersleeve,
a highly distinguished personage with impeccable credentials as
a humanitarian, wrote that Palestinian refugees should be
allowed to return to their homes, a campaign was begun against
her as a Christian “anti-Semite.”
Gildersleeve, who had been instrumental in drafting the Preamble
to the U.N. Charter and had taken a leading role in creating the
U.N. Human Rights Commission, later devoted herself to working
for human rights in the Middle East. She testified before
Congressional committees and lobbied President Truman, to no
avail. In her memoir, she attributed such failures to "the
Zionist control of the media of communication."
Dorothy Thompson, played by Katharine Hepburn & Lauren Bacall
America’s most famous female journalist of the time also
attempted valiantly, but unsuccessfully, to tell Americans about
According to the Britannica encyclopedia, Dorothy Thompson was
“one of the most famous journalists of the 20th Century.”
Her column was in newspapers all over the country, her radio
program listened to by tens of millions of Americans, she had
been married to one of America’s most famous novelists, graced
the cover of Time magazine, been profiled by America’s top
magazines and was so well-known that “Woman of the Year,” a
Hollywood movie featuring Kathryn Hepburn and Spencer Tracey and
a Broadway play starring Lauren Bacall, were based on
She had been the first journalist to be expelled by Adolph
Hitler and had raised the alarm against the Nazis long ahead of
most other journalists. She had originally supported Zionism,
but then after the war had visited the region in person. She
began to speak about Palestinian refugees, narrated a
documentary about their plight, and condemned Jewish
Thompson was viciously attacked in an orchestrated campaign of
what she termed “career assassination and character
She wrote: “It has been boundless, going into my personal life.”
She wrote of this organized attack:“…when letter after letter is
couched in almost identical phraseology I do not think the
authors have been gifted with telepathy.”
She was dropped by the New York Post, whose editor Ted Thackry,
and his wife, Dorothy Schiff, were said by other Post editors to
be close to the Irgun and Menachem Begin. Begin, the Irgunists,
the Stern Gang and other Zionists organizations had what was
termed “inordinate access” to the Post’s editorial board.
(Dorothy Schiff, granddaughter of financier Jacob Schiff and
owner of the Post, later divorced Thackry and married Rudolf
Thompson’s mail was filled with ferocious accusations that she
was “anti-Semitic.” One such correspondent told her that her
“filthy incitements to pogroms” would not be tolerated by New
Before long, her column and radio programs, her speaking
engagements, and her fame were all gone. Today, she has largely
been erased from history.
In the coming decades other Americans were similarly written out
of history, forced out of office, lives and careers destroyed;
history distorted, re-written, erased; bigotry promoted,
supremacy disguised, facts replaced by fraud.
Very few people know this history. The excellent books that
document it are largely out of print, their facts and very
existence virtually unknown to the vast majority of Americans,
even those who focus on the Middle East. Instead, false theories
have been promulgated, mendacious analyses promoted, chosen
authors celebrated, others assigned to oblivion.
George Orwell once wrote: “'Who controls the past, controls the
future. Who controls the present controls the past.'.”
Perhaps by rediscovering the past, we’ll gain control of the
present, and save the future.
Alison Weir is the president of the Council for the National
Interest, a former journalist and the founder of If
Americans Knew, a nonprofit organization that
focuses on the Israel-Palestine conflict, specializing in
statistical analysis. Weir writes and speaks widely about
Israel-Palestine, with particular focus on media coverage. Her
articles on the subject have been published in
anthologies both in the U.S. and abroad and in diverse online
and print publications.
End Notes and
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Paul Charles. Christian Attitudes towards the State of
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Sarah. "The Parushim: A Secret Episode in American Zionist
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1946 for the Information of the Anglo-American Committee of
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"Hans Herzl's Wish Comes True - 76 Years Later." Ha'aretz
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 In Israel it is typically called “the Jewish
lobby,” perhaps reflective of the fact that today
virtually all the mainstream Jewish organizations in the
U.S., both religious and secular – the ADL, Jewish
Federations, Jewish Community Relations Councils, the
Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish
Organizations, Jewish Studies departments, etc –
advocate for Israel. Benjamin Ginsberg, in the anthology
Jews in American Politics, notes that the
“greatest triumph of American Jewish organizations
during the postwar period” was to secure recognition of
the state of Israel over the objections of the U.S.
State and Defense Departments and then to successfully
urge the U.S. government to provide Israel with billions
of dollars over the subsequent decades.
However, such unanimity was only created after years of
strenuous and sometimes secretive efforts to overcome
the objections of anti-Zionist Jewish individuals and
organizations, and even now, JJ Goldberg’s contention,
made in his informative book Jewish Power, may
hold considerable truth: “…the broader population of
Americans Jews… are almost entirely unaware of the work
being done in their name.”
Goldberg, Jonathan J. Jewish Power: inside the
American Jewish Establishment. Reading, Mass. [u.a.:
Addison-Wesley, 1996. 7.
“Herzl devoted all his time to this movement, eventually
dying at the age of 44 leaving his family penniless. An
article in the Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz reports that
his daughter Pauline suffered from emotional problems
from youth and eventually died of morphine addiction.
His son Hans converted to Christianity in 1924, at which
time he was abandoned by the Jewish community and
denounced publicly. He committed suicide following his
sister’s death. A book about Herzl’s children was
written in the 1940s but was suppressed by the World
Zionist Organization, which decided to bury Pauline and
Hans in Bordeaux, despite their wish to be buried beside
their father in Austria, “probably to avoid tarnishing
Uni, Assaf. "Hans Herzl's Wish Comes True - 76 Years
Later." Ha'aretz [Israel] 19 Sept. 2006. Print.
 Christison, Kathleen. Perceptions of
Palestine: Their Influence on U.S. Middle East Policy.
First Paperback Printing ed. Berkeley, Calif: University
of California, 2000. Print.
Davis, John Herbert. The Evasive Peace: a Study of
the Zionist-Arab Problem. First American ed.
[N.Y.]: New World, 1970. Print. 1.
was first just called the Zionist Organization; its name
officially changed to the WZO in 1960. Most people use
the two names interchangeably.
According to the WZO website, today the organization
“consists of the following bodies:
The World Zionist Unions, international Zionist
federations; and international organizations that define
themselves as Zionist, such as WIZO, Hadassah,
Bnai-Brith, Maccabi, the International Sephardic
Federation, the three streams of world Judaism
(Orthodox, Conservative, Reform), delegation from the
CIS – Commonwealth of Independent States (former Soviet
Union), the World Union of Jewish Students (WUJS), and
 Mulhall, John W., CSP. America and the
Founding of Israel: an Investigation of the Morality of
America's Role. Los Angeles: Deshon, 1995. Print.
 Khalidi, Walid. "The Palestine Problem: An
Overview." Journal of Palestine Studies 21.1
(1991): 5-16. Print. Online at
The best resources on the pre-Israel population are:
Abu-Sitta, Salman H. Atlas of Palestine, 1917-1966.
London: Palestine Land Society, 2010. Print.
McCarthy, Justin. The Population of Palestine:
Population History and Statistics of the Late Ottoman
Period and the Mandate. New York: Columbia UP,
Khalidi, Walid. All That Remains: the Palestinian
Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948.
Washington, DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1992.
A Survey of Palestine. Prepared in December
1945 and January 1946 for the Information of the
Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, by the British
Mandatory Commission, 1946. Washington, D.C.: Institute
for Palestine Studies, 1991. Two volumes. Print.
Supplement to Survey of Palestine Notes Compiled for
the Information of the United Nations Special Committee
on Palestine. Washington, D.C.: Inst. of Palestine
Studies, 1991. Print.
 Nur, Masalha. Expulsion of the Palestinians:
the Concept of "transfer" in Zionist Political Thought,
1882-1948. Fourth ed. Washington, DC: Inst. for
Palestine Studies, 2001. Print.
example of the fanaticism to be found within some
segments of the movement is represented by a statement
by Dr. Israel Eldad:
“Israel is the Jews land… It was never the Arabs land,
even when virtually all of its inhabitants were Arab.
Israel belongs to four million Russian Jews despite the
fact that they were not born here. It is the land of
nine million other Jews throughout the world, even if
they have no present plans to live in it.” – Wright,
p.1, citing The Times of Israel, August 19,
Eldad was a strategist for a pre-state underground
militia who later became a lecturer at several Israeli
universities, authored a number of books, and in 1988,
Eldad was awarded Israel’s Bialik Prize for his
contributions to Israeli thought.
Another example is described by Israeli Uri Avneri, who
quotes a song that was being sung while he was growing
up in Palestine (cited by Wright, 9):
“We have returned, Young and Powerful
have returned, We the Mighty
conquer our Homeland, In a storm of War,
redeem our land, with a lofty hand,
With blood and fire, Judea fell
With blood and fire, Judea shall rise.”
 An earlier project with both a domestic and
international focus,“The Board of Delegates of American
Israelites,” was organized in 1861, which coalesced to
block an effort by the Union during the Civil War to
prepare a constitutional amendment declaring America a
1870 the group organized protest rallies around the
country and lobbied Congress to take action against
reported Romanian pogroms that had killed “thousands” of
Jews. The chair of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee suggested that such reports might be
exaggerated, but under pressure from “Israelite” board,
the Senate ordered the committee to take up the matter
with the State Department. Eventually, it turned out the
total killed had been zero.
 Kolsky, Thomas A. Jews against Zionism: the
American Council for Judaism, 1942-1948.
Philadelphia: Temple UP, 1990. Print. 24.
 In a 1918 reorganization the FAZ renamed itself
the Zionist Organization of America (ZOA). Kolsky, 26.
 Dalin, David G. “At the Summit: Presidents,
Presidential Appointments, and Jews.” Jews in
American Politics. Editors: Maisel Louis Sandy, Ira
N. Forman, Donald Altschiller, and Charles Walker
Bassett. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004. Print.
(The appointee was Oscar Straus, whose brothers owned
Macy’s Department Store and whom TR later named to his
cabinet. Dalin reports a humorous incident that occurred
at a dinner years later for Straus and Roosevelt:
“In his remarks, Roosevelt had stated that Straus had
been appointed on the basis of merit and ability alone;
the fact that he was Jewish had played no part in
Roosevelt’s decision to appoint him. A few minutes
later, in introducing Straus, [another speaker, the
Jewish financier and philothropist Jacob] Schiff, who
was a bit deaf and had evidently not heard Roosevelt’s
remarks, recounted how Roosevelt had sought his advice
as to who would be the most suitable and eminent Jewish
leader to appoint to his cabinet.”
 Neff, Donald. Fallen Pillars: U.S. Policy
towards Palestine and Israel since 1945. Reprint
Edition. Washington D.C.: Institute for Palestine
Studies, 2002. 8.
Neff, the author of five books on Israel, was Jerusalem
Bureau Chief and then a Senior Editor for Time
 Stevens, Richard P. American Zionism and
U.S. Foreign Policy, 1942-1947. Reprinted by the
Institute for Palestine Studies, 1970. New York:
Pageant, 1962. Print. 20
 Neff, p. 17. Tivnan, p. 30
 Stevens, Richard P., American Zionism and U.S.
Foreign Policy 1942-1947. New York: Pageant Press. Inc.
Reprinted by the Institute for Palestine Studies, 1970,
 Neff, 10. Christison, 28. John, Robert, and
Sami Hadawi. The Palestine Diary 1914-1945 Britain's
Involvement (Vol. I). Reprint of Third Ed.
Charleston: BookSurge, 2006. Introduction by Arnold
Toynbee. Print. 59.
 Grose, Peter. Israel in the Mind of America.
New York: Knopf, 1984. Print. 53.
The Menorah Society was also a secretive Zionist
organization. An essay from the time states that the
Menorah Society “camouflaged its Zionism by organizing
itself as a purely nonpartisan body so as to obtain a
larger membership.” The writer reports that “practically
all the leaders and active workers in the Menorah
organization are Zionists… the thing of which the
Menorah boasts now…is its little list of prize
conversions to Zionism. – Kosofsky, 256.
 Schmidt, Sarah. "The Parushim: A Secret Episode
in American Zionist History." American Jewish
Historical Quarterly 65.Dec (1975): 121-39.
Print.121. Online at
Schmidt writes: "The image that emerges of the Parushim
is that of a secret underground guerilla force
determined to influence the course of events in a quiet,
Schmidt gives the entire oath and response of the
member swearing allegiance to the Parushim felt
something of the spirit of commitment to a secret
military fellowship. At the initiation ceremony the head
of the Order informed him:
You are about to
take a step which will bind you to a single cause for
all your life. You will for one year be subject to an
absolute duty whose call you will be impelled to heed at
any time, in any place, and at any cost. And ever after,
until our purpose shall be accomplished, you will be
fellow of a brotherhood whose bond you will regard as
greater than any other in your life-dearer than that of
family, of school, of nation. By entering this
brotherhood, you become a self-dedicated soldier in the
army of Zion. Your obligation to Zion becomes your
paramount obligation... It is the wish of your heart and
of your own free will to join our fellowship, to share
its duties, its tasks, and its necessary sacrifices.
The initiate responded by swearing:
council, in the name of all that I hold dear and holy, I
hereby vow myself, my life, my fortune, and my honor to
the restoration of the Jewish nation, -to its
restoration as a free and autonomous state, by its laws
perfect in justice, by its life enriching and preserving
the historic speech, the culture, and the ideals of the
To this end I
dedicate myself in behalf of the Jews, my people, and in
behalf of all mankind.
To this end I
enroll myself in the fellowship of the Parushim. I
pledge myself utterly to guard and to obey and to keep
secret the laws and the labor of the fellowship, its
existence and its aims. Amen.
Schmidt reports that Henrietta Szold, founder of
Hadassah, the Women's Zionist Organization, was an early
member of the Parushim.
She writes: “Brandeis … began to assign the Parushim to
carry out special "missions" for him. In particular the
Parushim were to serve as a school for leaders, and
under Kallen's direction its members initially became
the leading activists of the reorganized American
 Grose, p. 54.
American professor Horace Kallen was a major mover and
the original founder of the Parushim.
his book American Zionism: Mission and Politics,
Jeffrey Gurock writes (p. 135): “Brandeis conducted a
vigorous search of his own for ‘college men,’
particularly young graduates of Harvard Law School, whom
he co-opted to leadership or special assignments for the
regular and emergency Zionist organizations he
controlled. Among those recruited were men like Felix
Frankfurter, Judge Julian Mack, Walter Lippmann [who
seems to have largely turned them down], Bernard Flexner
[one of the founders on the Council on Foreign
Relations], Benjamin Cohen [high official under both FDR
and Truman], and others who achieved national and
Read online at:
 Neff, Pillars, p. 12.
Brandeis also “played a decisive role in planning
Wilson’s economic program, and particularly in
formulating the Federal Reserve.”
Ginsberg, Benjamin. The Fatal Embrace: Jews and the
State. Chicago: University of Chicago, 1993. Print.
 Neff 12; John & Hadawi, p. 59-60.
Felix Frankfurter’s work on behalf of Zionism spanned
many years. FDR was to appoint him to the Supreme Court
in 1939, and even before this time he used his “access
to the president to bring Zionist issues to his
attention and urge his intercession on behalf of the
Zionist cause. – Christison, 47
“At Brandeis’s behest, Frankfurter also became involved
with American Zionism. In 1917 Frankfurter accompanied
Ambassador Henry Morgenthau to Turkey and Egypt to see
what could be done for the settlements in Palestine
during the World War. Frankfurter also attended the
peace conference in Paris as a representative of the
American Zionist movement and as a liaison for
Brandeis.” - Alexander, Michael. Jazz Age Jews.
Financier Jacob Schiff had created a position for
Frankfurter at Harvard early in his career.
 Mulhall p. 66. This was a sadly deft prognosis,
writing of Jerusalem in the early 1960s, the American
Consul General in Jerusalem found: “I think I can safely
make the general comment that in present-day Israel… the
Arabs are very much of ‘hewers of wood and drawers of
water’” for the dominant Israelis – Wilson, Evan M.
Jerusalem, Key to Peace. Washington: Middle East
Institute, 1970. 33.
 John, p 68-70: “The British government was
advised that ‘previous overtures to American Jewry to
support the Allies had received no attention was because
the approach had been to the wrong people. It was to the
Zionist Jews that the British and French governments
should address their parleys.’ Sir Mark Sykes was
particularly weighed down by the secret Sykes-Picot
Agreement, which had promised that the British would
support Arab independence, insisting that it was
impossible to offer Palestine to the Jews. He was told
that Brandeis had just become a Supreme Court Justice,
and that he had President Wilson’s ear. This began the
negotiations with the Zionists.
Zionists had retained Lloyd George’s law firm in
approximately 1903. For a detailed discussion of the
Lusitania incident and other aspects of the U.S. entry
into WWI see Cornelius, John. "The Hidden History of the
Balfour Declaration." Washington Report on Middle
East Affairs Nov. (2005): 44-50. Print.
 "Balfour Declaration Author Was a Secret Jew,
Says Prof." JWeekly (Jewish Bulletin of San
Francisco) Jan 15 (1999). Print.
Rubinstein, William D. "The Secret of Leopold Amery."
History Today 49. Feb (1999). Print.
Amery, who had kept his Jewish roots secret, worked for
Zionism in a number of ways. A pro-Israel writer
reports: “As assistant military secretary to the
Secretary of State for War, Amery played a pivotal role
in the establishment of the Jewish Legion, consisting of
three battalions of Jewish soldiers who served, under
Britain’s aegis, in Palestine during the First World War
and were the forerunners of the IDF. ‘I seem to have had
my finger in the pie, not only of the Balfour
Declaration, but of the genesis of the present Israeli
Army’, he notes proudly.
“As Dominions Secretary (1925-29) he had responsibility
for the Palestine Mandate, robustly supporting the
growth and development of the Yishuv – Weizman recalled
Amery’s “unstinting encouragement and support” and that
Amery “realized the importance of a Jewish Palestine in
the British imperial scheme of things more than anyone
else. He also had much insight into the intrinsic
fineness of the Zionist movement”. In 1937, shortly
after testifying before the Peel Commission on the
future of Palestine, Amery helped to organise a dinner
in tribute to the wartime Jewish Legion at which his
friend Jabotinsky was guest of honour. Amery became an
increasingly vociferous critic of the British
government’s dilution of its commitments to the Jews of
Palestine in order to appease the Arabs, and fulminated
in the Commons against the notorious White Paper of
1939, which set at 75,000 the maximum number of Jews to
be admitted to Palestine over the ensuing five years. ‘I
have rarely risen with a greater sense of indignation
and shame or made a speech which I am more content to
look back upon’, he remembered. And he became an
arch-critic of Chamberlain and Appeasement.”
 World Jewry, March 1, 1935, cited by
John, p. 72.
 Davidson, Lawrence, America’s Palestine:
Popular and Official Perceptions from Balfour to Israeli
Statehood. Gainesville: University Press of Florida,
 Wilson, Evan M. Decision on Palestine: How
the U.S. Came to Recognize Israel. Stanford, CA:
Hoover Institution, Stanford University, 1979. Print. p.
Moshe Menuhin, scion of a distinguished Jewish family
that moved to Palestine during the early days of Zionism
(and father of the renowned musicians), also writes
about this aspect. In addition, he states that the
oft-repeated claim that the British rewarded Weizman for
his “discovery of TNT” was false, quoting Weizmann’s
autobiography Trial and Error, p. 271:
“For some unfathomable reason they always billed me as
the inventor of TNT. It was in vain that I
systematically and repeatedly denied any connection
with, or interest in, TNT. No discouragement could put
them off.” – Menuhin, Moshe. The Decadence of
Judaism in Our Time. Beirut: Institute for
Palestine Studies, 1969. Print. 73-74.
 Wilson’s Alien and Sedition acts resulted in
the jailing 1,200 American citizens:
“Walter C. Matthey of Iowa was sentenced to a year in
jail for applauding an anticonscription speech. Walter
Heynacher of South Dakota was sentenced to five years in
Leavenworth for telling a younger man that ‘it was
foolishness to send our boys over there to get killed by
the thousands, all for the sake of Wall Street.’…Abraham
Sugarman of Sibley County, Minnesota, was sentenced to
three years in Leavenworth for arguing that the draft
was unconstitutional and remarking, ‘This is supposed to
be a free country. Like Hell it is.’” – Kauffman, Bill.
Ain't My America: the Long, Noble History of Antiwar
Conservatism and Middle American Anti-imperialism.
New York: Metropolitan, 2008. Print. 74.
One of the songs that helped recruit Americans to fight
in the war, “Over There,” was written by George M.
Cohan, who received the Congressional Medal of Honor for
it in 1940, when America was about to join another world
 While this subterfuge was used in the beginning
years, the goal was to create a state, as Felix
Frankfurter wrote: “ ‘I need not tell you that the
phrase, ‘that Palestine be established as a Jewish Home’
was a phrase of purposeful ambiguity.” [John, p. 118].
In the Zionists’ Memorandum to the Peace Conference they
stated that Palestine “shall be placed under such
political, administrative and economic conditions as
will ensure the establishment therein of the Jewish
national home and ultimately render possible the
creation of an autonomous Jewish commonwealth. [John, p.
 Mulhall, 76-77; John, 129; Davidson, 20.
 Hadawi, Sami. Bitter Harvest: Palestine
between 1914-1979. New-York: Caravan, 1979. Print.
 Melvin Urofsky, cited in Mulhall, 80
 From its earliest days Zionism espoused what
Zionists call the "ingathering of the exiles" -- all
Jews worldwide were to come to Israel to live. See
articles on this topic on the Israeli Ministry of
Foreign Affairs and elsewhere.
 He was admitted to the Foreign Service in 1907
with the highest grades of those entering that year. One
commentator called him “one of the greatest diplomatists
the USA has had in two generations.” Wikipedia, accessed
Feb. 16, 2012: Letter to Michael Francis Gibson,
February 14, 1955, copy on file at the Hoover
 Neff, p. 20. Grose, 94-95.
 Pillars, p. 20, Grose, 94-95.
 The article “Denying Nazi-Zionist collusion:
The Sacramento Bee, Darrell Steinberg, and Islamophobia”
refers to the various books that described this:
This was well known in the State Department. For
example, State Dept. Near East expert Harry N. Howard
states: “…there was discussion of liberalizing American
immigration laws in this period. The Zionists opposed
that liberalization on the ground that this would not be
a solution as far as they were concerned. They wanted a
political, not necessarily a humanitarian, solution
--that is, they wanted a state.” - Oral History
Interview with Harry N. Howard, Truman Library,
Washington, D.C., June 5, 1973:
[accessed July 2011]
 Lilienthal, Alfred M. What Price Israel?
50th Anniversary ed. Haverford, PA: Infinity.com, 2004.
Print. 27. Citing So Far So Good, by Morris L.
Ernst (New York: Harper, 1948), pp. 170-177.
 Hadawi, 38: Citation: The Spectator
(London) Magazine, 22 July 1960.
 Berger, Elmer. Memoirs of an Anti-Zionist
Jew. Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1978.
9. Christison, 73.
 Tivnan, Edward. The Lobby: Jewish Political
Power and American Foreign Policy. New York: Simon
and Schuster, 1987. Print. 24.
 Urofsky, Melvin Irving. We Are One:
American Jewry and Israel. Garden City, N.Y:
Anchor/Doubleday, 1978. Print. 37.
 Researchers may wish to explore an interesting
though speculative discussion about what may be an
earlier effort by Zionists to influence Christians. Many
years before AZEC targeted Christians, an annotated
version of the bible known as the Scofield Reference
Bible had been published, which pushed what was a
previously somewhat fringe “dispensationalist” theology
calling for the Jewish “return” to Palestine.
Some analysts have raised questions about Scofield and
how and why the Oxford University Press published his
book. Scofield, who had been something of a shyster and
criminal and had abandoned his first wife and children,
mysteriously became a member of an exclusive New York
men’s club in 1901. Biographer Joseph Canfield (The
Incredible Scofield and His book) comments:
“The admission of Scofield to the Lotus Club, which
could not have been sought by Scofield, strengthens the
suspicion that has cropped up before, that someone was
directing the career of C. I. Scofield.”
Canfield suggests that Wall Street lawyer Samuel
Untermeyer, who was also a member of the Lotus Club, may
have played a role in Scofield’s project, writing that
“Scofield’s theology was most helpful in getting
Fundamentalist Christians to back the international
interest in one of Untermeyer’s pet projects – the
Prof. David W. Lutz, in “Unjust War Theory: Christian
Zionism and the Road to Jerusalem,” writes: “Untermeyer
used Scofield, a Kansas city lawyer with no formal
training in theology, to inject Zionist ideas into
American Protestantism. Untermeyer and other wealthy and
influential Zionists whom he introduced to Scofield
promoted and funded the latter’s career, including
travel in Europe.”
Irish journalist Maidhc O Cathail ("Zionism's
Un-Christian Bible") suggests
“Absent such powerful connections, it is hard to imagine
‘this peer among scalawags’ ever getting a contract with
Oxford University Press to publish his bible.”
 The group was close to Jabotinsky and included
Medoff, Rafael. "The Bergson Group vs. The Holocaust –
and Jewish Leaders vs. Bergson." The Jewish Press
June 6 (2007).
[accessed July 2011].
Among the groups they formed were “American League for a
Free Palestine,” “Hebrew Committee for National
Liberation,” and “the Emergency Committee for the Rescue
of European Jewry", often with a dual message: demanding
the rescue of European Jews and the opening up of
Palestine to Jewish immigration. Most Zionist and
anti-Zionist organizations opposed the Bergson group,
but it managed to enlist a number of prominent
Americans, from Ben Hecht to Eleanor Roosevelt.
[accessed July 23, 2011]
The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum states:
“Bergson's primary assignment in the United States was
to mobilize support for the IZL and for the creation of
Jewish military units, and, later to gather support for
the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine. Bergson set
out to accomplish these tasks by creating a series of
interlocking organizations, including the Committee for
a Jewish Army of Stateless and Palestinian Jews, the
American League for a Free Palestine, the Emergency
Committee to Save the Jewish People of Europe, and the
Hebrew Committee for National Liberation. Supporters of
these organizations included Harry Truman, Dorothy
Parker, Herbert Hoover, Will Rogers, Jr., Labor leader
William Green, U.S. Solicitor General Fowler Harper, and
U.S. Interior Secretary Harold Ickes.”
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. “Peter
Bergson.” Holocaust Encyclopedia. Http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007041.
Accessed July, 2011:
 Rubinstein, William D. The Myth of Rescue:
Why the Democracies Could Not Have Saved More Jews from
the Nazis. London: Routledge, 1997. Print. 97.
 Rubinstein, Myth, 98.
 Baumel, p. 261. See also Rubinstein, Myth,
Web. July 2011. <http://www.ravkooktorah.org/timeline.htm>.
Shahak, Israël, and Norton Mezvinsky. Jewish
Fundamentalism in Israel. London: Pluto, 1999.
Print. ix, xiii, 55-69.
Professors Shahak and Mezvinski emphasize the writings
in English intentionally obscure many facts. “The role
of Satan, whose earthly embodiment according to the
Cabbala is every non-Jew, has been minimized or not
mentioned by authors who have not written about the
Cabbala in Hebrew.” (p. 58)
“According to the Lurianic Cabbala, the world was
created solely for the sake of Jews; the existence of
non-Jews was subsidiary.”
Dr. Israel Shahak, was a holocaust survivor and, until
his death in 2001, a highly regarded Israeli professor
of biochemistry; Dr. Norton Mezvinsky was a professor of
history (now retired) who in 2002 was named by the
Connecticut State University Board of Trustees an
official "Connecticut State University Professor...a
signal honor, reserved for faculty members who fulfill
the highest ideals of outstanding teaching, scholarly
achievement and public service."
Another book on this subject matter is Shahak, Israel.
Jewish History, Jewish Religion: the Weight of Three
Thousand Years. London [etc]: Pluto, 1997. Print.,
which can be read at:
 Shahak & Mezvinsky, ix.
Brownfeld, Allan. C. "Book Review: Jewish Fundamentalism
in Israel." Washington Report on Middle East Affairs
March (2000): 105-06. Print.
 Smith, Grant F. Declassified Deceptions:
the Secret History of Isaiah L. Kenen and the Rise of
the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC).
Washington, D.C.: Institute for Research: Middle Eastern
Policy, 2007. Print. 34.
"The Israel Lobby Archive." Institute for Research:
Middle Eastern Policy:
Ball, p. 24: “This weapons smuggling and other Zionist
preparations for war were well-known to British and
American analysts, who knew from the beginning that the
Arabs would be certain losers in a war with Zionists,
whose well-trained and armed combatants would outnumber
the Arabs’ similar combatants by at least four to one.
Analysts were also aware that the Zionists planned to
expand beyond the partition allotment.”
 Slater, Leonard, The Pledge, New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1970. P. 21-23.
 Slater, p. 124.
Smith, Grant. Chapter 4.
 Lilienthal, What Price Israel,
 For details, see The Ethnic Cleansing of
Palestine, by Israeli historian Ilan Pappe and
Under the Cover of War: The Zionist Expulsion of the
Palestinians, by Rosemarie M. Esber.
 Neff, Pillars, p. 68.
 Neff, Pillars, p. 69. Transjordan’s entire
government budget at the time was only $5 million.
 Neff, Pillars, p. 69.
 Neff, Pillars, p. 72.
 Neff, Pillars, p. 75.
 Neff, Pillars, pp. 76-77. Citation: George
McGhee, Envoy to the Middle World: Adventures in
Diplomacy (New York: Harper & Row), 1983) p. 37.
 Oral History Interview by Richard D. McKinzie
for the Harry S. Truman Library and Museum with Edwin M.
Wright. General staff G-2 Middle East specialist,
Washington, 1945-46; Bureau Near East-South
Asian-African Affairs Department of State, since 1946,
country specialist 1946-47, advisor U.N. affairs,
1947-50, advisor on intelligence 1950-55. The interview
was conducted in Wooster, Ohio on July 26, 1974. On
April 3, 1977 Wright added a letter and footnotes to the
[Accessed July 21, 2011]
Wright, Edwin M. The Great Zionist Cover-up: a Study
and Interpretation. Cleveland, OH: Northeast Ohio
Committee on Middle East Understanding, 1975. Print.
 Lilienthal, Price, p. 94.
 Lilienthal, Price, 103.
 Lilienthal, Price, 94
 Lilienthal, pp. 97-98
 Berger, pp. 35-38.
Dean Gildersleeve, a Protestant Christian, had been the
only woman member of the U.S. UN delegation in San
Francisco. For more information on her see:
 Gildersleeve, Virginia Crocheron. Many a
Good Crusade: Memoirs of. New York: Macmillan,
1955. Print. p. 412.
 The information from this section comes
largely from American Cassandra: The Life of Dorothy
Thompson, by Peter Kurth; Dorothy Thompson: A
Legend in her Time, by Marion K Sanders;
Personal History, by Vincent Sheean, and
Dorothy & Red (Dorothy Thompson & Sinclair Lewis),
by Vincent Sheean.
 Nineten Eighty-Four, by George Orwell.
Interestingly, a biographer states: “In his last years,
unlike several of his comrades around Tribune,
Orwell had little sympathy with Zionism and opposed the
creation of the state of Israel, as attested by his
friend and Tribune colleague Tosco Fyvel in his
book George Orwell: A Personal Memoir.”
article was originally published at
Council for the
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