AIPAC Discovers 47
Useful Idiots
Money talks and even writes letters
By Philip Giraldi
March 18, 2015 "ICH"
- "Unz"
- March 2015 is a month that should live
in infamy. The month started out with
the revolting spectacle of Israeli Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressing a
joint session of Congress for the third
time, having been invited by the Speaker
of the House without the courtesy of
seeking any input from the White House
or State Department. The National
Review
was quick to declare Bibi “leader of
the free world,” surely one of the most
ridiculous claims ever made by a once
respectable magazine that has
increasingly become a reliable
mouthpiece for the Israel Lobby. It was
all part of a carefully orchestrated
deliberate affront to President Barack
Obama, who like it or not, is
responsible for the conduct of foreign
affairs. It also challenged the White
House’s role in dealing with visiting
heads of state and government as a
matter of both protocol and common
sense, one of the traditional duties of
the Chief Executive.
Netanyahu
characteristically lied about the threat
posed by Iran and was greeted by fifty
rounds of applause for his lucidly
expressed insights into why the United
States should again be prepared to go to
war on Israel’s behalf. Five days later
47 Republican United States Senators
signed a letter allegedly written by
Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas and then
sent it to the Iranian government
directly, warning that any agreement
over that country’s nuclear program
reached with President Barack Obama will
likely be overturned by the Congress.
The letter was signed by the entire
Republican Party leadership in the
Senate and also included presidential
contenders Rand Paul, Marco Rubio and
Ted Cruz.
Were the two events
connected? You bet they were as they
both had the same objective – to end
talks with Iran and commit the United
States to a more aggressive
confrontation with the Mullahs, as
Israel has been demanding.
The invitation and the
letter were both unprecedented, far
exceeding previous stunts by the
ubiquitous GOP “maverick” Senator John
McCain cavorting with terrorists in
Syria or appearing in Tbilisi or at
Maidan Square in Ukraine to instigate
either a new war or a change of
government. McCain’s hubris, as well as
that of other peripatetic Congressmen
prowling the world looking for an
audience, was on display “over there”
where he had no real authority and no
one would listen to him anyway but the
current incarnation of Republican
leadership was and is, unfortunately,
doing its damage over here.
The visit and letter
were together an assault on how American
democracy is supposed to work. Retired
Major General Paul Eaton
summed up the impact of the letter
succinctly: “…to directly engage a
foreign entity, in this way, undermining
the strategy and work of our diplomats
and our Commander in Chief, strains the
very discipline and structure that our
foreign relations depend on to succeed.
The breach of discipline is extremely
dangerous, because undermining our
diplomatic efforts, at this moment,
brings us another step closer to a very
costly and perilous war with Iran. I
think Senator Cotton recognizes this,
and he simply does not care.”
The most significant
damage is to the separation of powers
under the Constitution of the United
States. One might argue reasonably that
executive authority has increased
dramatically in Washington since 9/11
and should be rolled back by the
legislature and judiciary. But the GOP
is not addressing the issues that it
should be confronting like war powers,
immigration, state secrecy privilege,
illegal spying and death by drone. It is
instead seeking to challenge Article 2
of the Constitution, which specifies
that the executive is the lead agency in
dealing with foreign governments. The
House of Representatives can choose to
defund presidential programs and the
Senate
can refuse to “consent” to treaties
that the executive has entered into, but
the actual work of diplomacy and
protecting Americans overseas is the
responsibility of the president.
The presidential
prerogative was accepted by the Founding
Fathers and George Washington, in his
first address to Congress made clear
that while the legislative branch had
responsibility for funding both
diplomacy and an army, it was up to the
executive branch to carry out policy in
both areas. At the time, Thomas
Jefferson was Secretary of State. The
Supreme Court has since several times
upheld that perception, ruling that
“foreign policy is the province and
responsibility of the executive.”
And then there is the
Logan Act, passed in 1799, which
specifically declares it illegal for
any citizen, including Congressmen, to
engage in “any correspondence or
intercourse with any foreign government
. . . with intent to influence the
measures or conduct of any foreign
government . . . in relation to any
disputes or controversies with the
United States.” The last indictment
submitted under the Act was in 1803,
which means that legal experts might
well consider it to be unenforceable due
to the judicial doctrine of
desuetude, or lack of use, but the
law is still on the books and one might
reasonably argue that both the Netanyahu
invitation and the Senate letter to the
Iranian government would be considered
felonious violations.
Leaving aside the
damage that would be done to America’s
reputation by repudiating an agreement
hammered out not only with Iran but also
with five other countries, there is a
common thread running through the
attempt by the Congress to assert
control over some aspects of foreign
policy and it is, of course, Israel. And
there is also a back story. The
Netanyahu visit was planned by the
Israeli Ambassador in Washington Ron
Dermer in collusion with Speaker of the
House John Boehner. It was clearly
intended to embarrass President Obama
while also motivating the Congress and
media to do everything possible to
derail a possible agreement with Iran,
which Netanyahu has been warning about
since 1993. Netanyahu was also banking
on his speech to shore up his
credentials as a tough-talking guarantor
of Israeli national security to include
having Washington in his pocket. He
hoped to benefit in the impending
national elections, which are taking
place today.
But Netanyahu may have
received more blowback than benefits
from his maneuvering with the U.S.
Congress. His formulaic speech was
heavily criticized even by Israel’s
friends, damaging Tel Aviv’s
relationship with the Democratic Party
and possibly even dooming his chance for
reelection due to the adverse reaction
to the visit among Israelis.
And the letter to
Iran’s appearance five days after the
speech certainly hints at collusion and
possibly more than that. It suggests
that nearly half of the United States
Senate, having received its marching
orders from Netanyahu, was prepared to
go forth and tighten the screws on Iran.
The letter states, inaccurately,
“that anything not approved by Congress
is a mere executive agreement [that] the
next president could revoke…with the
stroke of a pen and future Congresses
could modify…” It advises that “any
unilateral executive agreement is one
the [the Iranians] accept at their own
peril.”
The letter, which
undercuts the authority of the American
president before an international
audience, is undeniably a threat
intended to derail negotiations. It was
responded to by Iranian foreign minister
Javad Zarif, who
called the letter a “propaganda
ploy” observing that “it is very
interesting that while negotiations are
still in progress and while no agreement
has been reached, some political
pressure groups are so afraid even of
the prospect of an agreement that they
resort to unconventional methods,
unprecedented in diplomatic history…If
the current negotiation with P5+1
results in a Joint Comprehensive Plan of
Action, it will not be a bilateral
agreement between Iran and the US, but
rather one that will be concluded with
the participation of five other
countries, including all permanent
members of the Security Council, and
will also be endorsed by a Security
Council resolution.” He added that the
“letter in fact undermines the
credibility of thousands of such mere
executive agreements that have been or
will be entered into by the US with
various other governments” and concluded
that revoking an agreement would be a
“blatant violation of international
law.”
The letter’s alleged
author, 37 year old freshman Senator
Cotton, had been in office all of 62
days when the document was sent directly
to the government in Tehran on March 8
th. He had started
circulating the draft for signatures the
day after Netanyahu spoke, suggesting
that it was already prepared and not a
spontaneous act. An Army veteran with
combat tours, Cotton is a hardliner
chickenhawk though minus the chicken,
which makes him a valuable commodity in
the exclusive armchair warrior club that
some call the Republican Party. But even
that fraternity has sometimes found him
too extreme. In 2014
he told voters that ISIS was working
with Mexican drug cartels to stage
attacks in Arkansas and while a
Congressmen he sought to imprison the
entire families of those suspected of
violating Iran sanctions, to include the
grandchildren of the convicted.
Cotton is inevitably
very fond of Israel. Whether it is
genuine, opportunistic or just a
quid pro quo is difficult to say.
In January he tried to strengthen
sanctions against Iran and he stated his
belief that the talks over the nuclear
program should be abandoned. It has been
observed that most of the defenders of
his letter are also leading components
of the Israel Lobby, but there is more
to it than that. In his Senatorial
campaign last year Cotton received
$960,250 from Bill Kristol’s Emergency
Committee for Israel plus $165,000 from
Paul Singer’s Elliott Management hedge
fund. Both Kristol and Singer have been
active in opposing Iran talks and it
should be noted also that neither lives
in Arkansas.
There have also been
suggestions that Cotton did not in fact
write the letter. Former American Israel
Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) staffer
M.J. Rosenberg believes that it was
produced by that organization, which
appears probable as 46 Senators would
have been unlikely to sign on to a
letter produced by a new and untested
Senator otherwise. Some
others look to Kristol, who regards
Cotton as a protégé much as he once
nurtured the unforgettable Sarah Palin.
Rosenberg explains “nothing happens on
Capitol Hill related to Israel unless
and until Howard Kohr (AIPAC chief)
wants it to happen. Nothing.”
More than 165,000
Americans
have signed a petition calling
Cotton’s letter treasonous. Behind that
outrage we have a speech, a letter and
the usual banal tale of corruption,
opportunism and money. And it is all
starts with Israel, a foreign country
that has somehow inserted itself into
the American political DNA.
Interestingly, the Cotton letter hit the
news cycle on the very day that Benjamin
Netanyahu and Foreign Minister Avigdor
Lieberman were in the news in Israel.
Netanyahu
announced that there would be “no
withdrawals” from the Israeli occupied
West Bank and no “concessions” to the
Palestinians. Even the generally supine
New York Times had to opine
that it cast doubts about “his declared
commitment to the two-state solution.”
Lieberman meanwhile
called for the beheading of Israel’s
Arab citizens who “oppose us.” So much
for the billions of dollars given to
Israel and the irreparable damage to
American interests. All successive
administrations in Washington have
succeeded in doing is empowering racist
fanatics like Lieberman while the
American people have gained nothing. And
as often happens when the Palestinians
are on the business end of the Israeli
boot the Netanyahu and Lieberman
comments were hardly noticed in the U.S.
mainstream media, conveniently
overshadowed by the bigger story of Iran
and the Senator Cotton letter.