.
To the Bay of
Goats, via the Panama Canal
By KEVIN
HORRIGAN
07/19/03: (St. Louis
Post-Dispatch) The president is
a first-term Republican who believes in projecting U.S. power, a scion
of privilege who fancies himself a rancher. His advisers bring him a
brilliant foreign national who promises to deliver a new government in a
country where the United States badly wants a new government.
With the president's tacit approval, the foreign operative goes to work.
The president sends the U.S. military to help. In short order, the old
government is ousted, a new one is put in place and they all live
happily ever after.
That was Panama, 1903. With the exception of the
happily-ever-after-part, the same scenario is being played out in Iraq,
2003.
In 1903, the president was Theodore Roosevelt. The brilliant foreign
national was Phillipe Bunau-Varilla, a bantam-size French engineer who
stood to make millions if the United States bought out the French firm
that had failed to complete the Panama Canal. The trouble was that
Panama then belonged to Colombia, and Colombia wanted no part of the
deal.
Bunau-Varilla delivered a revolution. Roosevelt delivered the USS
Nashville to enforce it. Bunau-Varilla had himself named Minister
Plenipotentiary to Washington and quickly sold the Canal Zone to the
United States for $10 million and $250,000 a year in rent.
In late 2001, President
George W. Bush read "Theodore Rex," the second volume of
Edmund Morris' Roosevelt trilogy. According to news accounts, the
president touted it widely, telling one interviewer that TR was the
president he modeled himself after.
As it happens, at the same time Bush was reading Morris' book, some of
own advisers had fallen under the spell of another foreign national,
Ahmad Chalabi of Iraq.
Chalabi's history has been well-documented. He was 13 in 1958 when his
family, Shiite Muslims and members of the Iraqi elite, fled to the west
after a revolution overthrew the monarchy. Educated at the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, he received a doctorate in mathematics at the
University of Chicago (his doctoral thesis was on the theory of knots)
under Albert Wohlstetter, one of the original neoconservative theorists.
Through Wohlstetter, Chalabi was introduced to powerful neocons in and
out of government. By then he was a powerful man in his own right as
head of the Petra Bank of Jordan. In 1989, the bank collapsed
spectacularly, and Chalabi fled to London with nothing but $70 million
in his pockets.
There, he formed a government in exile for expatriates called the Iraqi
National Congress. For a while, he did a lot of business with the CIA,
but fell out of favor in 1996 when an INC offensive in Northern Iraq
collapsed. Retired Marine Gen. Anthony Zinni, former head of the U.S.
Central Command, derided the INC as "silk-suited, Rolex-wearing
guys in London" whose war plan "could turn the Bay of Pigs
into the Bay of Goats."
But Chalabi's powerful neoconservative friends in the Bush
administration were undaunted. In the months following Sept. 11, 2001,
as Bush read "Theodore Rex," Chalabi and his supporters
started banging the drums for taking out Saddam Hussein.
Installing Chalabi as president could transform the Middle East, they
argued, not to mention the world's economy. Chalabi promised American
oil companies first dibs on Iraq's oil reserves. Saudi Arabia might
quickly fall in line, and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries would be cut off at the knees. Arab states would find
themselves sandwiched between staunch American allies in Israel and
Iraq. Terrorists would tremble.
It would have been beautiful, except for one thing: Unlike Phillipe
Bunau-Varilla, Chalabi couldn't deliver. He was wrong about Iraqis
welcoming American troops, wrong about stockpiles of weapons of mass
destruction, wrong about his own popularity. ("Ahmad the
Thief," some call him.)
If this is the "darn good" intelligence Bush says he gets,
imagine what "darn bad" looks like.
Chalabi did get himself appointed as one of the 25 members of the Iraqi
governing council, so maybe he still has a chance. And maybe those
weapons of mass destruction will still turn up. Otherwise, George W.
Bush's exercise in big-stick diplomacy could still turn into the Bay of
Goats.
Copyright: St. Louis
Post-Dispatch
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