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Iran-Contra, Amplified
By Jim Lobe
08/11/03: (Inter
Press Service) WASHINGTON - A specter of the
Iran-Contra affair is haunting Washington. Even some of the people and
countries are the same. And the methods - particularly the pursuit by a
network of well-placed individuals of a covert, parallel foreign policy
that is at odds with official policy - are definitely the same.
Boiled down to its essentials, the Iran-Contra affair was about a small
group of officials based in the National Security Agency (NSC) and the
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) that ran an "off-the-books"
operation to secretly sell arms to Iran in exchange for hostages held in
Tehran after the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran.
They used the proceeds over the following years to sustain the
Nicaraguan Contras - US-sponsored rebels fighting Managua's left-wing
government - in defiance of both a congressional ban and of official US
policy as enunciated by the State Department and then president Ronald
Reagan. It was never clear whether Reagan understood, let alone
approved, the operation.
The picture emerging from the latest reports about the manipulation of
intelligence in the drive to war with Iraq, as well as efforts by
administration hawks to deliberately aggravate tensions with Syria,
Iran, and North Korea in defiance of official State Department and US
policy, suggest a similar but much more ambitious scheme at work.
As with Reagan, in this case, too, it is difficult to determine whether
President George W Bush - or even his NSC director, Condoleezza Rice -
fully understand, let alone approve, of what the hawks are doing.
There was some hint of a parallel policy apparatus dating back just
after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. It was known early
on, for example, that the Pentagon leadership, without notice to the
State Department, the NSC, or the CIA, convened its advisory Defense
Policy Board (DPB), headed by Richard Perle, to discuss attacking Iraq
within days of the attacks.
The three agencies were also kept in the dark about a mission undertaken
immediately afterward by former CIA director and DPB member James
Woolsey to London to gather intelligence about possible links between
Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda, as if the CIA or the
Pentagon's own Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) could not be trusted.
While Woolsey's trip recalls the more benign shenanigans of the
Iran-Contra crowd, consider some of the more recent press reports.
Item: Iran-Contra alumnus Michael Ledeen (and close Perle
associate) has renewed ties with his old acquaintance, Manichur
Ghorbanifar, an Iranian arms merchant who became the key link between
the NSC's Oliver North, the operational head of Iran-Contra, and the
so-called "moderates" in the Islamic Republic.
To what end? It appears that certain elements in the Pentagon
leadership, specifically Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Douglas
Feith, are trying to sabotage sensitive talks between Tehran and the
State Department on cooperation over al-Qaeda and other pressing issues
affecting Afghanistan and Iraq.
They think that Ledeen's old friend Ghorbanifar can help, according to
Newsday, which reported on Friday that two of Feith's senior aides -
without notice to the other agencies - have held several meetings with
the Iranian, whom the CIA has long considered "an intelligence
fabricator and nuisance".
Item: US aircraft and special operations force intercepted
and destroyed a residential compound and two small convoys that were
heading from Iraq into Syria in mid-June, killing as many as 80
civilians. They then subdued and arrested five Syrian guards across the
border, taking them back to Iraq, where they were held and interrogated
over the strong objections of the State Department for five days.
For what purpose? The Pentagon says that it thought senior Saddam
officials were trying to make a run for it on a smuggling route. But an
expose last month by The New Yorker suggested that the raid and arrests
may have been part of a deliberate effort to inflame tensions with
Damascus and thus put an end to remarkably close cooperation between
Syria, the CIA and the State Department in the campaign against al-Qaeda.
Item: Certain "high-level circles within the
administration" were reported by the right-wing Washington Times on
Friday to be hoping to persuade Chinese military officers to co-sponsor
a coup with their North Korean counterparts against leader Kim Jong-il.
While it is not clear the proposals have been acted on concretely, the
Times noted that the Pentagon leadership disagrees strongly with the
State Department's efforts to engage Kim in talks to persuade him to
abandon his nuclear-weapons program in exchange for a non-aggression
pledge.
Just before Korea agreed to resume talks recently, Under Secretary of
State John Bolton, widely considered to be much closer to the Pentagon
hawks than his superiors at the State Department, delivered a blistering
attack on Kim in what was seen by analysts as a deliberate provocation.
Item: Anonymous "senior administration
officials" informed a prominent conservative columnist of a covert
CIA operative (whose name he then published) jeopardizing her career and
possibly exposing numerous ongoing covert actions and agents who worked
with her.
To what end? The agent is the wife of Joseph Wilson, a retired career
foreign service officer who publicly exposed Bush's now-infamous
assertion that Iraq had tried to buy uranium yellowcake in Africa as a
fabrication.
While some analysts have said the disclosure of his wife's identity, a
felony under US law, was an attempt to discredit him, he charged this
week that the move "was clearly designed to intimidate others from
coming forward" to tell what they know about the administration's
manipulation of intelligence.
No one knows yet whether such intimidation will work, but recently
retired intelligence and foreign service officials and military
officers, and a growing number of anonymous active-duty officials, have
indeed been coming forward with consistent stories about the
manipulation and exaggeration of intelligence in order to justify the
war against Iraq and, more recently, efforts to hype evidence about the
alleged unconventional threat posed by Syria.
Taken collectively, what these officials describe and what is already on
the public record suggest the existence of a disciplined network of
zealous, like-minded individuals centered in Feith's office and around
Perle in the DPB and operating with the approval of Deputy Defense
Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Vice
President Dick Cheney.
This network includes high-level political appointees, such as Bolton,
who are scattered around several other key bureaucracies, notably in the
State Department, the NSC staff, and, most importantly, in Cheney's
office.
Cheney, of course, has a direct link to Bush (and all the heads of
agencies) independent of Rice, while his powerful chief of staff and
national security adviser, I Lewis "Scooter" Libby, also
enjoys exceptional access and influence.
Indeed, the two men's frequent visits (as well as those of another DPB
member, former Republican House Speaker Newt Gingrich) to CIA
headquarters before the Iraq war have been cited by retired and
anonymous intelligence officers as having exercised an intimidating
influence on analysts who disagreed with the more sensational
assessments about Iraqi weapons of mass destruction and ties to al-Qaeda
produced by Feith's office.
Newsday's disclosure that Feith's office has been used for secret
contacts with Ghorbanifar suggests that its work goes well beyond
assessing intelligence and making policy recommendations.
According to one career military officer who worked for eight months in
the Near East/South Asia bureau in that office, the political appointees
assigned there and their contacts at the State Department, the NSC and
Cheney's office tended to work as a "network" and often
deliberately cut out, ignored or circumvented normal channels of
communication both within the Pentagon and with other agencies.
"I personally witnessed several cases of staff officers being told
not to contact their counterparts at the State [Department] or the [NSC]
because that particular decision would be processed through a different
channel," wrote retired Lieutenant-Colonel Karen Kwiatkowsky.
"What I saw was aberrant, pervasive and contrary to good order and
discipline."
In an interview with Inter Press Service, she insisted that her views of
Feith's appointees and operations were widely shared by other
professional staff, and quoted one veteran career officer "who was
in a position to know what he was talking about" as telling her
before the Iraq war: "What these people are doing now makes
Iran-Contra look like amateur hour."
"I think it's time for a serious investigation [of Feith's
office]," she said. "I just hope Congress will take it
on."
(Inter Press Service)
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