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Riding Roughshod Over The Seas Of History 

by Matthew L. Brodsky

08/19/03 For the first time in its history, the U.S. Navy commissioned a ship bearing the name of a living ex-president - the USS Ronald Reagan.  Maybe it is fitting a president known for his strength, resolve, and dedication to national security has his name emblazoned on a titanic nuclear-powered aircraft carrier.  According to the Navy, the behemoth stretches nearly 1,100 feet and towers 20 stories over the surf.  Look out, bad guys, if the USS Ronald Reagan docks off your coast.  As Vice President Dick Cheney boasted at the commissioning ceremony, "Something tells me any potential adversary of the United States will take note when word arrives that the USS Ronald Reagan has been sighted off shore."

"Today we send forth a great American ship bearing a great American name," Cheney told the crowd.  Sure, you have to agree that the aircraft carrier is "great" and awfully powerful.  But surely some people, including many experts on the Reagan administration, can thumb their noses at the name on that boat.

Reagan's record, as it stands now according to the available historical record, is not nearly as squeaky clean as the aircraft carrier's flight deck.  In fact, Reagan's record is atrocious if you're a fan of the constitution, morale foreign policy, and international law.  Reagan oversaw an administration of men whose first instincts were to deceive and manipulate, to twist truth until it suited their parochial purposes, and to achieve these purposes without regard to the millions of people they affected.  Sound familiar?

Just look at Reagan's foreign policy.  Reagan wanted to rollback Communism, and this end justified a whole rap sheet of means.  In Central America, for instance, he supported a government in El Salvador whose Death Squads "disappeared" thousands of its own people every year.  U.S. allies in
Guatemala carried out extermination campaigns on that country's indigenous population, murdering tens of thousands in the process.  The U.S. military practically took over Honduras, a small nation that sold its soul for a few million dollars in aid.

Perhaps the most infamous case of Reaganite anticommunist fury occurred against the Sandinistas.  It was against these revolutionaries that the administration sicced the infamous Contras.  Using Honduras as a base camp, the Contras waged terroristic guerrilla war in northern Nicaragua against
peasants and government officials alike.  Meanwhile, CIA mercenaries mined Nicaragua's harbors, bombed its ports, and trained the Contras in the art of political assassination.

Reagan oversaw these criminal activities, ignoring the details for the sake of his grand - yet myopic and simplistic - vision of the world.

"The national security of all the Americas is at stake in Central America," Reagan admonished a joint session of Congress in the spring of 1983.  "If we cannot defend ourselves there, we cannot expect to prevail elsewhere.  Our credibility would collapse, our alliances would crumble, and the safety of
our homeland would be put at jeopardy.  We have a vital interest, a moral duty, and a solemn responsibility."

At the time, many in Congress, many Americans, and most of the world did not believe Reagan's hyperbole.  It was as if Reagan and his crew saw a completely different world than most other sane human beings.  In a secret and now declassified Public Diplomacy Strategy Paper, administration
officials lamented that public opinion polls showed that "a larger portion of the public attributes unrest in Central America to poverty and lack of human rights, than to subversion from Cuba, Nicaragua, and the Soviet Union."

"Abroad, most Western publics are even more negative in assessing US actions in the area," the report added.  "In the non-aligned world, there is almost universal opposition to our position."

To "re-orient" the public's thinking - the get it on the same paranoid wave length as himself - Reagan oversaw the creation of undercover propaganda agencies with innocent names like the Office of Public Diplomacy.  But for all their persuasion and misinformation, these agencies could not hide the
Reagan administration's violent and criminal actions.  When Iran-Contra broke, Reagan and his crew were seen for what they were.

"The common ingredients of the Iran and Contra policies were secrecy, deception, and disdain for law," states Congress' report on the scandal.  "A small group of senior officials believed that they alone knew what was right."

The problem was, these senior officials were wrong.  The people of Central America paid the costs.  By the end of the 1980s, they were left to pick up the pieces from the wars that Reagan sponsored.  Since then, Central America has returned to being the neglected, poverty-infested backwater that it has been since the Spaniards pillaged it centuries ago.

Reagan and his coterie of senior officials, on the other hand, are celebrated.  The onerous facts of the Iran-Contra scandal are left in the wake of the USS Ronald Reagan.

Worse still, the current administration follows a frighteningly similar tact.  It only makes sense considering many of the same "senior officials" hover in and around the Bush administration - Richard Perle, Admiral John Poindexter, Donald Rumsfeld, Elliot Abrams - and they still believe they are
doing what is right.  And after all, the man whose orders they first followed - Ronald Reagan - is a living legend.  Why not repeat what he did?

The weight of this question for the average American may have been summed up best in the 1980s by Representative Gerry Studds, a Democrat from Massachusetts.  During one of the subcommittee meetings that eventually led to Iran-Contra, Studds had just finished listening to then Assistant
Secretary of State Elliot Abrams perjure himself.  Abrams had just been denying that anti-Sandinista rebels were funded by the White House.  Representative Studds rose in response and declared:

"What is in question is whether this administration believes the American people have a right to know what is done abroad in their name, and whether Government officials have the right to ignore laws they don't like."

Perhaps the better question for today is: can we afford to continue idolizing and imitating a president who believed the American people had no right to know when government officials broke the law in their name?

Matthew L. Brodsky is a professional writer - with a graduate education in U.S. history from the University of Georgia. MatthewBrodsky@informationclearinghouse.info


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