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The announcement last week by the United States of the largest military aid package in its history – to Israel – was a win for both sides.

Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu could boast that his lobbying had boosted aid from $3.1 billion a year to $3.8bn – a 22 per cent increase – for a decade starting in 2019.

Mr Netanyahu has presented this as a rebuff to those who accuse him of jeopardising Israeli security interests with his government’s repeated affronts to the White House.

In the past weeks alone, defence minister Avigdor Lieberman has compared last year’s nuclear deal between Washington and Iran with the 1938 Munich pact, which bolstered Hitler; and Mr Netanyahu has implied that US opposition to settlement expansion is the same as support for the “ethnic cleansing” of Jews.

American president Barack Obama, meanwhile, hopes to stifle his own critics who insinuate that he is anti-Israel. The deal should serve as a fillip too for Hillary Clinton, the Democratic party’s candidate to succeed Mr Obama in November’s election.

In reality, however, the Obama administration has quietly punished Mr Netanyahu for his misbehaviour. Israeli expectations of a $4.5bn-a-year deal were whittled down after Mr Netanyahu stalled negotiations last year as he sought to recruit Congress to his battle against the Iran deal.

In fact, Israel already receives roughly $3.8bn – if Congress’s assistance on developing missile defence programmes is factored in. Notably, Israel has been forced to promise not to approach Congress for extra funds.

The deal takes into account neither inflation nor the dollar’s depreciation against the shekel.

A bigger blow still is the White House’s demand to phase out a special exemption that allowed Israel to spend nearly 40 per cent of aid locally on weapon and fuel purchases. Israel will soon have to buy all its armaments from the US, ending what amounted to a subsidy to its own arms industry.

Nonetheless, Washington’s renewed military largesse – in the face of almost continual insults – inevitably fuels claims that the Israeli tail is wagging the US dog. Even The New York Times has described the aid package as “too big”.

Since the 1973 war, Israel has received at least $100bn in military aid, with more assistance hidden from view. Back in the 1970s, Washington paid half of Israel’s military budget. Today it still foots a fifth of the bill, despite Israel’s economic success.

But the US expects a return on its massive investment. As the late Israeli politician-general Ariel Sharon once observed, ­Israel has been a US “aircraft carrier” in the Middle East, acting as the regional bully and carrying out operations that benefit Washington.

Almost no one blames the US for Israeli attacks that wiped out Iraq’s and Syria’s nuclear programmes. A nuclear-armed Iraq or Syria would have deterred later US-backed moves at regime overthrow, as well as countering the strategic advantage Israel derives from its own nuclear arsenal.

In addition, Israel’s US-sponsored military prowess is a triple boon to the US weapons industry, the country’s most powerful lobby. Public funds are siphoned off to let Israel buy goodies from American arms makers. That, in turn, serves as a shop window for other customers and spurs an endless and lucrative game of catch-up in the rest of the Middle East.

The first F-35 fighter jets to arrive in Israel in December – their various components produced in 46 US states – will increase the clamour for the cutting-edge warplane.

Israel is also a “front-line laboratory”, as former Israeli army negotiator Eival Gilady admitted at the weekend, that develops and field-tests new technology Washington can later use itself.

The US is planning to buy back the missile interception system Iron Dome – which neutralises battlefield threats of retaliation – it largely paid for. Israel works closely too with the US in developing cyber­warfare, such as the Stuxnet worm that damaged Iran’s civilian nuclear programme.

But the clearest message from Israel’s new aid package is one delivered to the Palestinians: Washington sees no pressing strategic interest in ending the occupation. It stood up to Mr Netanyahu over the Iran deal but will not risk a damaging clash over Palestinian statehood.

Some believe that Mr Obama signed the aid package to win the credibility necessary to overcome his domestic Israel lobby and pull a rabbit from the hat: an initiative, unveiled shortly before he leaves office, that corners Mr Netanyahu into making peace.

Hopes have been raised by an expected meeting at the United Nations in New York on Wednesday. But their first talks in 10 months are planned only to demonstrate unity to confound critics of the aid deal.

If Mr Obama really wanted to pressure Mr Netanyahu, he would have used the aid agreement as leverage. Now Mr Netanyahu need not fear US financial retaliation, even as he intensifies effective annexation of the West Bank.

Mr Netanyahu has drawn the right lesson from the aid deal – he can act against the Palestinians with continuing US impunity.

- See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.fL4Eq28N.dpuf
How the Syrian Conflict Could Turn Into a 'Hopeless War of Extermination'

By Sputnik News

October 25, 2016 "
Information Clearing House" - " Sputnik " -  Russia and the US differ in their vision of the Syrian future: while Moscow insists that President Assad should stay as the only legitimate leader, the US stubbornly reiterates that he "must go." Russian media explain why the US stance is self-deceptive and why the conflict will turn into a "hopeless war of extermination' without Assad in power.

 "Moscow and Washington have a different stance on the future of Syria – one implies that President Assad stays in power in Syria while the other insists that the ousting of the "bloody dictator" is the only condition for peace and liberation of the country from terrorists," Russia's online newspaper Vzglyad

writes in its analytical piece

on the Syrian conflict.

However it is a strangle dispute over an obvious choice, it further says.

"With Assad [in power], we have a chance to unite and pacify if not the whole of Syria, then the major part of it. Without Assad, the civil war will turn into a war of extermination and won't abate for years to come, despite all efforts," it says.

The outlet then delves into the deeper roots of the ongoing conflict.

The divisions within Syrian society are far deeper than merely Assad's supporters and his adversaries, it explains, and they go back much further into Syria's history.

After it gained independence back in 1945, the country was marred by a large number of military coups and coup attempts. The Arab Republic of Syria came into being in late 1961 and was increasingly unstable, with a long-term stand-off between the Muslim Brotherhood of Syria and the secularist, pan-Arabist Ba'ath Party.

© Sputnik/ Mikhail Voskresenskiy

Banners with the portrait of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad at a self-defense fighters' training center near Damascus

The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood was banned by the government of the Syrian Arab Republic after the 1963 coup. However the Muslim Brotherhood played a major role in dissent against the secular Ba'ath Party during the period 1976-1982.

Following the Hama uprising of 1982 in the wake of the wider Islamist insurgency in Syria (1979–1982), when thousands of armed insurgents and civilians were killed, the Brotherhood was effectively broken as an active political force inside Syria.

In 1982, it was Rifaat al-Assad, the younger brother of the former President of Syria, Hafez Assad and the uncle of the incumbent President Bashar al-Assad who crushed the rebellion in Hama. The battle later became known as the "Hama massacre."

© Sputnik/ Maksim Blinov

A Russian Su-30 aircaft on a runway at the Hmeimim airbase in Syria

When Hafez al-Assad suffered from heart problems in late 1983, he established a six-member committee to run the country. Rifaat was not included. With the support of troops numbering more than 55,000, along with tanks, artillery, aircraft and helicopters he attempted an assault on Damascus.

However by the middle of 1984 Hafez had returned from his sickness and assumed full control over the country.

Rifaat was going to be put on trial and even faced questioning that was broadcast on television, but was later exiled abroad.

"The mercy towards the uncle of the incumbent Syrian president has been backfiring on the country ever since," the newspaper says.

© Sputnik/ Iliya Pitalev

A soldier of the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) near the town of Mhin, Syria

"The elderly Rifaat now resides in Europe, mainly in France and Spain and assiduously blemishes his nephew Bashar, considering him a deadly enemy," it adds.

It is Rifaat's sons that in fact control the major part of the Syrian opposition which the West calls "moderate." His eldest son Ribal has established and now leads the so-called "Organization for Democracy and Freedom in Syria."

His youngest son Sumer is the head of a pan-Arab TV channel, the Arab News Network (ANN), which is based in London and which has turned into one of the major propaganda sources of the so-called Syrian "moderates" although initially it was a political mouthpiece of the estranged wing of the Assad clan.

© Sputnik/ Valeriy Melnikov

Students of the women's military academy in Damascus during class

These are the very same people whom the various London-based "Friends of Syria" monitor groups associate with and the western media largely quote when reporting on the "atrocities of Bashar Assad and Russian aviation."

However, the outlet notes, Rifaat's clan is just "the tip of the iceberg" of the Syrian civil war. The religious stand-off in the country has long reached its extremities and neither of the parties involved can reach a compromise without seeing it as some kind of failure.

"By creating or trying to create lists of "trustworthy" representatives of the armed opposition, the US is looking at an ideal version of events while ignoring the practical reality that now exists," the newspaper says.

However one should understand that the government of President Assad demonstrates miracles of humanity in a war where neither side can consider itself a winner until its enemy is totally eliminated, it states.

Hence the war with the radicals will go on until the very end, regardless its effect on the international situation, it predicts.

"Idlib province has already turned into a separate state under whoever's control and this problem is yet to be solved. Eastern Syria is sagging: it is possible to retake Raqqa and advance towards the border with Iraq, but it will take years to put it in order," the outlet explains.

"The forecasts of another 10 years of war might become a reality if we back off from supporting the Assad government and his army in favor of some abstract "humanitarian interests," which have no support on the ground," it says.

In fact, it says, there are no "humanitarian interests", only ideologies in the heads of western elites. And it is this mentality and not the actions of Damascus or Moscow which turns Syrian society into the hostage of the civil war which risks becoming an endless war of extermination, it finally states.

Click for Spanish, German, Dutch, Danish, French, translation- Note- Translation may take a moment to load.

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