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The New McCarthyism
A witch hunt against a Columbia professor, and the New York Times'
disgraceful support for it, represent the gravest threat to
academic freedom in decades.
By Juan Cole
April 22, 2005 "Salon.com"
A member of the U.S. Congress calls for an assistant professor at
a major university to be summarily fired. The right-wing tabloid
press runs a series of vicious attacks on him, often misquoting
him and perpetuating previous misquotes.
Opinion pieces attacking "tenured radicals" and
questioning professors' patriotism use him as their centerpiece.
All of these attacks are spurred by a propaganda film made by an
advocacy group, in which anonymous accusations are made and the
professor is not given an opportunity to respond to the
allegations.
It is not 1953, the Congress member is not Sen.
Joseph McCarthy, and the professor is not being accused of being a
communist. No, it is 2005, the Congress member is Rep. Anthony
Weiner, D-N.Y., and the professor is being accused of being
anti-Israel.
The lesson for academics, and American society
as a whole: McCarthyism is unacceptable except when
criticism of Israel is involved.
The targeted professor is Joseph Massad, of the
Middle East Languages and Cultures Department at Columbia
University. Massad is the author of "Colonial Effects: The
Making of National Identity in Jordan" (Columbia University
Press, 2001), and of a forthcoming book treating the sexual
depictions of Arabs in colonial literature, "Desiring
Arabs." He is well-published, and his first book received
rave reviews in journals such as Choice and the American
Historical Review. His career would have been no more
controversial than that of any academic historian working on
Argentina or Uganda, had he not been a Palestinian-American
teaching about Israel and Palestine in New York City. Nor, had he
been critical of Argentinean or Ugandan policies, would any
eyebrows have been raised in the United States.
The attacks on Massad, and two other professors
in the department, were led by off-campus right-wing Zionist
organizations aligned with Israel's Likud Party -- notably a murky
Boston-based organization called "the David Project,"
which produced the film in which the accusations were made. (In
fact, according to an in-depth report
by Scott Sherman in the Nation, there is no single
"film"; at least six versions exist, and it has never
been screened for the public. When the Nation asked to view it,
the David Project refused to make it available. Its head, Charles
Jacobs, also refused to provide details to the Nation about the
group's financial backers or its ties to professional pro-Israel
lobbyists.)
Almost none of the allegations against Massad
(anti-Semitism, mistreatment of students, likening Israel to Nazi
Germany) came from students who had taken his courses. In the most
serious case, an allegation that Massad angrily told a student,
"If you're going to deny the atrocities being committed
against Palestinians, then you can get out of my classroom,"
the charge was corroborated by one other student and one auditor,
but three other individuals present said they had no recollection
of the episode taking place, and it did not appear in Massad's
teaching evaluations.
Columbia president Lee Bollinger appointed an ad
hoc faculty grievance committee to look into the accusations.
After a lengthy investigation, the committee issued a report.
It found Massad not guilty of anti-Semitism or of punishing
pro-Israel students with poor grades. (Indeed, it singled him out
for unequivocably denouncing anti-Semitism.) In the case of the
incident described above, it found it credible that "Massad
became angered at a question that he understood to countenance
Israeli conduct of which he disapproved, and that he responded
heatedly. While we have no reason to believe that Professor Massad
intended to expel Ms. Shanker from the classroom (she did not, in
fact, leave the class), his rhetorical response to her query
exceeded commonly accepted bounds by conveying that her question
merited harsh public criticism." In his response
to the report, Massad denies that this incident took place,
pointed out logical fallacies in the report's reasoning, and
criticized it for failing to connect the charges with the
organized political campaign against him.
Although it was little noted in the press, the
report did indeed acknowledge that Massad in particular and the
department in general had been the target of an ongoing campaign
of intimidation. It noted that for several years, after pieces
appeared in the tabloid press blasting the department as
anti-Israel, many non-students, clearly hostile and with
ideological agendas, had been attending classes in the department,
interrupting lectures with hostile asides and inhibiting classroom
debate. One individual began filming a class without permission.
Chillingly, the report noted, "Testimony that we received
indicated that in February 2002 Professor Massad had good reason
to believe that a member of the Columbia faculty was monitoring
his teaching and approaching his students, requesting them to
provide information on his statements in class as part of a
campaign against him."
Whether the disputed charges against Massad,
fomented by outside groups with obvious agendas, merited a major
investigation by Columbia is a matter of debate. Many students and
faculty at Columbia believe the investigation should never have
been launched in the first place. Having undertaken the inquiry,
however, the ad hoc committee rightfully understood that its
charge was narrow -- that its mandate was to investigate
"conduct": that is, behavior and "civility,"
not views. To prescribe some views and ban others would contravene
the most deeply held values of academic life. As the report noted,
"We are committed, individually and collectively, to the
right of all members of the Columbia community to hold and espouse
a range of opinions, including those that make others
uncomfortable. We focused our attention on conduct, and on the
relationship between that conduct and the obligation for all of us
to maintain a civil and tolerant learning environment."
Even the narrow charge is problematic. The line
separating "views" and "conduct" is difficult
to demarcate in any objective way, and the place of
"civility" in university teaching is not self-evident.
In the film "The Paper Chase," John Houseman played the
curmudgeonly Professor Kingsfield, who routinely used personal
humiliation of first-year law students as a pedagogical tool.
Whether one agrees that such a method is useful or valid, it is
certainly the case that the Kingsfield character was modeled on
real-life professors, some of whom inspired great loyalty in their
students, who felt well-served by some sharp words when they were
guilty of woolly thinking. The notion of an ad hoc grievance
committee investigating John Houseman for suggesting that
students' heads are full of mush is faintly ridiculous, but it is
the sort of procedure to which Massad was subjected.
From all accounts, Massad is a passionate and
outspoken but fair and dedicated teacher. The Nation quotes a
doctoral student in Massad's department as saying, "In
Massad's class, the most prolific contributors to class discussion
were students who disagreed with him, and many did not hesitate to
interrupt him to make their point." The ad hoc report noted:
"Outside the classroom, there can be little doubt of
Professor Massad's dedication to, and respectful attitude towards,
his students whatever their confessional or ethnic background or
their political outlook. He made himself available to them in
office hours and afterwards. One student, critical of other
aspects of his pedagogy, praised his "warmth, dynamism and
candor" and his unusual accessibility and friendliness. One
of the group of students who questioned him regularly and
critically in class told us of their friendly relations outside
class where their discussions often continued. A student who has
complained that he was mocked in class by Professor Massad in the
spring of 2001, was still in email contact with him one year
later."
One would have thought that the ad hoc report
would have closed the door on this whole sorry affair. But almost
worse than the McCarthyite accusations was the response of the New
York Times. Incredibly, the Times slammed the ad hoc committee for
not being inquisitorial enough. Not satisfied with an
investigation of conduct or classroom civility, it wanted Massad's
views put under the microscope. The Gray Lady apparently wanted
him sent for reeducation, for all the world as though he were a
Right Deviationist during the Chinese Cultural Revolution and as
though America's newspaper of record were a Maoist inquisitor.
The Times' editorial read, "But in the end,
the report is deeply unsatisfactory because the panel's mandate
was so limited. Most student complaints were not really about
intimidation, but about allegations of stridently pro-Palestinian,
anti-Israeli bias on the part of several professors. The panel had
no mandate to examine the quality and fairness of teaching. That
leaves the university to follow up on complaints about politicized
courses and a lack of scholarly rigor as part of its effort to
upgrade the department. One can only hope that Columbia will
proceed with more determination and care than it has
heretofore."
The New York Times editorial is among the more
dangerous documents threatening higher education in America to
have appeared in a major newspaper since the McCarthy period, when
professors were fired for their views on economics. (At the
University of Michigan in the 1950s, two professors were fired for
belonging or having belonged to the Communist Party, and one
professor was let go for favoring "Scandinavian
economics.") "Quality of teaching" is one thing --
no one defends unqualified teachers or mere propagandists. But no
substantive allegations regarding the poor quality of scholarship,
or "lack of rigor" in the department, have been made
against Columbia's Middle East department -- for the simple reason
that such claims have no foundation. The Times' invocation of
"scholarly rigor" is really a thinly veiled demand that
professors follow what it defines as an acceptable,
"fair" pedagogical line.
But as soon as the "fairness" of views
is made the criterion for retaining a teacher, the door is opened
to witch hunts and chaos. No two students will agree on what is a
"fair" view of a controversial issue. The substantial
Arab-American community of Dearborn, Mich., not to mention many
liberal American Jews, would probably find almost every course
taught in political science departments in the United States on
the Arab-Israeli conflict to be hopelessly biased against the
Arabs and Palestinians. Why are they less worthy arbiters than the
editorial board of the New York Times?
When I have taught the history of the
Arab-Israeli conflict at the University of Michigan, I have had
fair numbers of Arab-Americans, Muslim-Americans and
Jewish-Americans in my class. My class evaluations have overall
been good to excellent, but I always have a handful complaints
from both sides. Some Arab-Americans blast me for naively
accepting key claims of Zionism when I argue for Israel's right to
exist. Some Jewish students stridently insist that Jerusalem
belongs solely to Israel and that is that.
The fact is that you will never get agreement on
such matters of opinion, and no university teacher I know seeks
such agreement. The point of teaching a course is to expose
students to ideas and arguments that are new to them and to help
them think critically about controversial issues. Nothing pleases
teachers more than to see students craft their own, original
arguments, based on solid evidence, that dispute the point of view
presented in class lectures. That is why the New York Times
editorial is so wrong, and so dangerous. University teaching is
not about fairness, and there is no body capable of imposing
"fair" views on teachers. It is about provoking students
to think analytically and synthetically, and to reason on their
own. In the assigned texts, in class discussion, and in lectures,
the students are exposed to a wide range of views, whether fair or
unfair.
Elected bodies throughout the United States,
dominated by the Christian right, are now considering radical
programs such as imposing the teaching of "intelligent
design" in biology classes, or abolishing academic tenure
(the practice of not firing professors for their views). Even
Congress has succumbed to the pressure: The House of
Representatives passed an outrageous bill, HR 3077, mandating that
area studies programs that receive federal money must "foster
debate on American foreign policy from diverse perspectives"
-- a heavy-handed attempt to mandate pedagogy that supports the
American administration in power and supports Israeli policies
uncritically.
The New York Times is a bastion of liberalism
and Enlightenment values in an increasingly hysterical and
intolerant time. But it has lent this burgeoning movement
legitimacy by calling for official oversight of views in the
classroom. Its editors should stop to consider that any society
that censors Joseph Massad's teaching is unlikely to stop there.
The next step will be to censor the newspapers as well.
"Unfair," "liberal" views such as those
apparent in many New York Times articles and editorials may be put
under scrutiny by the same sort of people who want a party line
installed at Columbia.
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About the writer
Juan
Cole is a professor of modern Middle Eastern
and South Asian history at the University of Michigan and
the author of "Sacred Space and Holy War" (IB
Tauris, 2002).
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