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MP George Galloway:
"London Has Reaped Blair's Involvement in Iraq"
We go to London to get reaction from
British antiwar MP George Galloway, author and Guardian
columnist George Monbiot and journalist Stephen Grey of the
Sunday Times of London. [includes rush transcript - partial]
Broadcast - 07/08/05
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- Stephen Grey, journalist with the Sunday Times of
London.
- George Galloway, Respect Member of Parliament for
Bethnal Green and Bow in East London, England. He was
previously Labour Party member but he was expelled in October
2003 because of statements he made opposing the 2003 invasion
of Iraq. In January 2004 he formed a new political party,
RESPECT The Unity Coalition, and was returned to Parliament as
its candidate in the 2005 general election.
- George Monbiot, an author and columnist for the
London Guardian. He is author of the book "Manifesto for
a New World Order."
TRANSCRIPT
JUAN GONZALEZ: We're talking with several guests in
London over the situation of the bombings that occurred yesterday.
We're talking with George Galloway, an anti-war M.P. from England;
also a journalist with the Sunday Times of London, Stephen
Grey; and we're going to be talking soon with George Monbiot, the
author and columnist for the London Guardian. I'd like to
get back to Mr. Galloway; your criticism of Britain's
participation in the war -- apparently, there was rebuttal from
Home Secretary Charles Clark, who said that this has nothing to do
with Iraq or any other particular foreign policy, it's about a
fundamentalist attack on the way we live our lives. And he
apparently was reacting to your criticism yesterday.
GEORGE GALLOWAY: Well, only a fool would say that, and
only a fool would believe that. In fact, the terrorists themselves
have said in the website to which your previous caller referred,
that that's exactly why they carried out the act. So, only a fool
believes that this came out of nowhere. It came out of a deep
swamp of hatred and bitterness that we have soaked in blood these
last few years. This is obvious to any sentient being. And the
only way that we can truly resolve this matter -- and of course,
in the interim, in the short term, I'm thoroughly in favor of the
most rigorous policing and intelligence response to try and stop
these dastardly acts from happening, but the only way we can
really be clear of them, the only way we can be safe from them, is
if we reduce the number of people out there who are ready to
support those who are ready to hurt us. The fish has to swim in
water, and bin Laden is swimming in this water, in this swamp that
we have created.
JUAN GONZALEZ: George Monbiot, columnist with the London
Guardian. Your views on what happened yesterday and the
impact on England in the future?
GEORGE MONBIOT: Well, first I'd like to say that at the
moment, we don't know who planted these bombs. It's a fairly good
guess that it was someone affiliated with Al Qaeda or a similar
organization, but we must be cautious about this, because if you
remember what happened in Oklahoma or remember what happened in
Madrid, in both cases, the wrong people were initially blamed. And
the wrong intelligence leads were followed. And so, I think while
I understand what George Galloway is saying, it's actually too
early to say that this is because of such and such a policy,
because we don't yet know who the perpetrators were.
However, I would broadly endorse what he said about not
creating conditions which are likely to stir up more terrorist
acts. And there's no doubt that by invading Iraq, we have caused a
great deal of resentment and anger within the Muslim world. And if
that hasn't come back to haunt us yet, then it may well come back
to haunt us in the future. But as I say, we don't yet know (a) who
did this, and (b) what their motivation is. So, it really is too
early to start saying this is because of a particular policy that
we followed.
As far as its impact on Britain is concerned, I am worried that
we are going to see the loss of certain civil liberties as a
result of this. We have seen with, for example, the PATRIOT Act in
the United States, that there has been quite a curtailment of some
fairly basic human rights, including the right to free assembly
and the right to free expression and, of course, there has been a
great deal of very intrusive surveillance and policing of the
Muslim community and indeed parts of the non-white community in
general in the U.S., some of which appears to have very little to
do with anything which could reasonably be regarded as dealing
with terrorism. And I'm concerned that that's going to come over
here. I'm concerned that the draconian restrictions on protest
that we already have in this country could be extended. Already we
have seen several people saying that this provides justification
for the introduction of a new identity card in Britain. We don't
yet have an identity card, but they're talking about an identity
card which includes biometric identification, and plenty more
besides, which could turn into quite an oppressive state tool if
we're not careful.
And it's also, of course, a further effect is that just as we
were all beginning to talk about some of the other issues that
affect our lives, such as climate change, such as global poverty,
such as what's happening in Africa, these are all issues which we
desperately need to be discussing, those have been knocked off the
front page and knocked out of the front of people's minds. And so,
while this awful event, this dreadful attack, has been a terrible,
terrible tragedy for the people caught up in it, it could have
further ramifications which could themselves have tragic
implications for many people in Britain and around the world.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And Stephen Grey of the Sunday Times,
your sense of the impact of these attacks on the G8 Summit itself
and its ability to even get much work done?
STEPHEN GREY: Well, I think a lot of the work is done by
officials, and so the work will continue. I suppose that it's more
of a political effect in that it's changed the focus away from
what was some pretty important work there, and obviously, vital
for Africa, and clearly the degree in which people are able to put
pressure on those leaders has been diminished, really, because the
focus has gone away.
Can I just come back on what George Galloway and George Monbiot
were saying? I don't, as a reporter, don’t want to comment on
the rights or wrongs of the Iraq war, but I would just obviously
just put that in context. I think a lot of people in London will
obviously see a lot in what George Galloway is saying, his remarks
will have a lot of resonance with people who have expressed views
on the Iraq war, but obviously, there will be others who will take
the view that we should, in fact, strengthen our resolve in
operating in Iraq for the sake of not giving in to terrorists.
But I would say one important thing, where I think what George
Galloway says resonates with what I have seen. I have spent a lot
of time in the Middle East recently and in Iraq, in fact, last
year. I think one important thing to understand about the nature
of Islamic terrorism is that it's not just about a threat to the
way of life of the West. If you talk to people who actually are
close to these movements, I mean, they hate, above all, the
policies of the West, and what -- you know, I won't comment on
those policies, but they extend much -- they're not just invasion
of Iraq, they also extend to our policies to the Middle East peace
process, our involvement in Afghanistan.
Many of the people who are drawn to these movements are not
people who are looking for some sort of Taliban lifestyle, they're
people who are actually motivated because they support some kind
of insurgency about the way the West is dealing with the Middle
East, and they feel the Middle East is utterly humiliated. The
Middle East people are utterly humiliated by the West and the
Western policies. And this is the response they seek. It's an
appalling response, but I think to understand it, you’ve got to
understand it goes a lot further than simply a kind of revulsion
against the Western way of life.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to get back to the whole issue
of the possible targeting of Muslims in England. George Galloway,
you represent a district that has a large Muslim population. The
Islamic Human Rights Commission yesterday warned London Muslims to
stay home, fearing a backlash, and the Guardian has learned
that within hours of the attacks, 30,000 abusive and threatening
emails were sent to the Muslim Council of Britain's website. Your
reaction to the possible targeting of Muslims in England?
GEORGE GALLOWAY: Well, I'm just looking at my own
computer screen now. I'll just give you the title of one of them:
"Pig Islamists." And that sort of person is out there.
But I must say to you that I think the British people are bigger
than that, and I disagree with the advice, if that was what it
was, that Muslims should stay indoors. In fact, they should unite
with the rest of us in absolute rejection of terrorism and of war.
We must be tough on terrorism and tough on the causes of
terrorism. It's really basic common sense. It's not left wing,
it's not rocket science.
It's just basic common sense that if you don't drain the swamp
that I have talked about, if you don't intervene to stop the
ongoing calvary of the Palestinian people, who for 50 years have
been dispossessed, sent to the four corners of the world as
refugees, regularly massacred, occupied, if you don't do something
about the hundreds of thousands of foreign soldiers occupying
Iraq, if you don't stop propping up the puppet presidents and the
corrupt kings who rule the Muslim world almost without exception
from one end to the other, then you lay bare your double
standards, your hypocrisy, when you talk about liberty.
What our leaders want is liberty for us, but only up to a
point, and they're ready to take that away if it suits them, but
no liberty for anybody else. And the people in the Muslim world
can see it very clearly. They know that nobody gave a toss about
the thousands who were killed in Fallujah. Nobody in the British
Parliament raised any qualm about the American armed forces
reducing Fallujah to ash and killing thousands of people. Yet,
they go into the kind of emoting that we saw yesterday about the
deaths in London.
I'm different from that, and most British people are different
from that, when you reach them. The blood of everyone is worth the
same. God didn't differentiate between a dead person in London
killed by sheets of flying glass and red-hot razor sharp steel and
someone who died the same death in Baghdad. These deaths are the
same. And war of the kind that we have seen -- unjustified,
illegal, based on lies, in Iraq, is terrorism of a different kind.
Just because the President, who ordered it is wearing a smart suit
rather than the garb of an Islamist in the Tora Bora doesn't make
their orders more legitimate than orders if they were given from
bin Laden.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Well, George Galloway, I'd like to bring
back George Monbiot into the discussion. You just came back from
covering the G8 Summit. And, of course, the press attention before
yesterday was focused not just on the summit but on the massive
protests of the British anti-war movement that was outside the
summit, as well, and the anti-globalization forces that had massed
to protest the summit. Your sense, George Monbiot, of the impact
on that movement of these attacks?
GEORGE MONBIOT: Well, we have completely fallen off the
news agenda. I completely understand that. I'm not complaining
about it. It's just what happens, but unfortunately for what we
were trying to do, we were really making some gains. We were
beginning to mobilize a lot of attention not just to the issues
that we were initially complaining about -- that is, the
tremendous power of the G8 nations over the rest of the world,
power exercised through the International Monetary Fund, the World
Bank, the U.N. Security Council -- but we were also very
successfully articulating our dissent from the line taken by Bob
Geldof and Bono and the other leaders of the G8 and of the Make
Poverty History campaign, which has been quite extraordinary and
exceptional in many ways. They have managed to mobilize billions
of people around the world, and push the issues of Africa and
poverty to the very top of the political agenda.
But those of us, the many thousands of us who met in Edinburgh
and then at Gleneagles in order to protest against the G8 Summit
drew a very sharp distinction between what we were doing and what
we felt that Bono and Geldof were doing, which was protesting to
ask the G8 Summit for favors, to beg, as we saw it, for a few more
crumbs from the rich man's table. And in doing so, we felt that
they were fetishizing the power of the G8 leaders. They were
saying, you have the world in your hands, and you must now use
this power to save that world from itself. Of course, what they
weren't talking about was saving the world from themselves, from
the G8 leaders and the disastrous policies they're pursuing in
Africa and elsewhere.
And we were -- we felt and had expressed very strongly that the
Live 8 and Make Poverty History campaigns in many ways were taking
us back to an Edwardian era of tea and sympathy, that they were
replacing our political campaigns with philanthropic campaigns.
And they were handling the G8 leaders as if they were the
potential saviors of the world, while completely ignoring and
sidelining the harm that they were doing. And it's one of the --
one of the effects of these dreadful bombings is that just as we
were really making progress with that, it's now completely off the
agenda. That's fair enough, but it's just an unfortunate side
effect.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And Stephen Grey of the Sunday Times,
your sense of, again, the impact, long term, of these attacks on
British society, and on this rather large and developing both
anti-war movement and a movement questioning the growing gap --
the economic gap in the world.
STEPHEN GREY: That's a big question. I think that -- I
think the British people are quite calm about dealing with these
matters. I think, you know, there will be some reaction.
Inevitably, there will be some hate generated. There will be, you
know, attacks on the Muslim community, but I think that these are,
just as the terrorist attacks, perpetrated by very small
minorities. We have a very multicultural society here in London,
and I think that most people very well understand the very small
numbers of people involved. They realize that the terrorists
probably disguised themselves very effectively as normal citizens
here, so then they will see that there is no need to target anyone
who, you know, looks overtly Muslim. I think that we'll look at it
in quite a broad sense, I think – sorry, quite a calm sense.
And broadly speaking, I think that as time progresses, they
will obviously think about the causes of all of this, but there
will be a reaction. I mean, the investigation itself is going to
be very difficult, obviously. We have seen no large scale roundup
of suspects this morning. The police are trying to investigate
this with great sensitivity, but obviously, in order to get to
these people, they are going to have to make all kinds of
inquiries. If it does turn out that an extreme Muslim group is
involved, then they will have to engage with the Muslim community,
have to to get information, and no doubt, they'll have to -- they
will be arresting people, and that will cause some reaction and
disturbance.
It's very difficult thing to investigate, and clearly there
will be some backlash. And I think everyone will have to stay
quite resolute, which I think they will, but it will not be an
easy time, and clearly, there may also be further demands for much
tougher police action, security powers, etc., although ultimately,
I'm not convinced that through tougher security and essentially a
kind of semi-military response to terrorism that you deal with the
underlying causes, which -- and stop the recruitment of these
people, which is ultimately what we need to do, because as we have
seen, al Qaeda as an organization is becoming more of an idea that
is inspiring people around the world. And it's no good simply
arresting people you regard as a leader of this organization. You
have to address why it is that people are popping up all over
subscribing to the ideology and perhaps having no link whatsoever
to the leadership in, now probably in Afghanistan or if not
arrested somewhere, and therefore it's the ideas that are going to
become paramount. And it's actually showing that the ideology of
al Qaeda is bankrupt and that the West has an alternative which
can also appeal to the Muslims who feel dispossessed.
JUAN GONZALEZ: If I may -- if I may interrupt just to
get a final comment, a quick final comment from George Galloway in
terms of how you see the impact of this on Tony Blair. You were
expelled from the Labour Party for your opposition to – your
strident opposition to the war in Iraq. Your sense of how this
will impact on Tony Blair?
GEORGE GALLOWAY: Well, it could go either way. It could
give him a new lease of political life. He may decide that his
declaration of impending retirement sometime in this Parliament
needs to be set aside, or if there's a Spanish-like phenomenon now
sweeps the country, it could mean the political end of him very
soon. I hope it's the latter, because I think we need a change of
policy. And we're not going to get a change of policy without a
change of leader, because the leader, both here and in your
country, is so utterly identified with the policy that we have
been following now. You have mid-term elections coming up rather
sooner than we have a general election. My reading of the U.S.
situation is that Bush will pay a very high political price at
those elections. And we'll see on the streets and in the public
opinion polls and on the airwaves and in the letters, columns of
newspapers and so on here in Britain, which of the two alternative
ways that this could go will actually happen.
JUAN GONZALEZ: I'd like to thank George Galloway, member
of Parliament and a noted anti-war leader in Britain; George
Monbiot, the columnist for the London Guardian; and Stephen
Grey, a journalist with the Sunday Times. Thanks to all of
you for being with us.
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