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"The time
of revenge has come"
Blowback from
Bush and Blair's incompetently pursued war on terror has hit
London. When will the U.S. figure out how to fight smart?
By
Juan Cole
July
8, 2005 "Salon"
- - Credit
for the horrific bombings of the London Underground and a
double-decker bus on Thursday morning was immediately taken on a
radical Muslim Web site by a "secret group" of Qaida
al-Jihad in Europe. By Thursday afternoon, as the casualty toll
rose above 40 dead and 700 wounded, British Foreign Minister Jack
Straw was saying, "It has the hallmarks of an al-Qaida-related
attack." Although U.S. President George W. Bush maintains
that al-Qaida strikes out at the industrialized democracies
because of hatred for Western values, the statement said nothing
of the sort. The attack, the terrorists proclaimed, was an act of
sacred revenge for British "massacres" in
"Afghanistan and Iraq," and a punishment of the United
Kingdom for its "Zionism" (i.e., support of Israel). If
they really are responsible, who is this group and what do they
want?
The phrase "Qaida al-Jihad" refers to the 2001
decision made by Ayman al-Zawahiri, a leader of the Egyptian
terrorist group al-Jihad al-Islami, to merge his organization into
bin Laden's al-Qaida ("the Base"). The joint
organization was thus renamed Qaida al-Jihad, the "Base for
Holy War." (Zawahiri and bin Laden had allied in 1998.) The
group claiming responsibility for the London bombings represents
itself as a secret, organized grouping or cell of "Qaida
al-Jihad in Europe." It is significant that they identify
themselves as "in Europe," suggesting that they are
based on the continent and have struck from there into London.
This conclusion is bolstered by their description of the attack as
a "blessed raid." One raids a neighboring territory, not
one's own. Whether this group carried out the attack or not, the
sentiments they express do exist among the radical fringe and form
a continued danger. Jihadi internet bulletin boards expressed
skepticism about the group, and pointed to an inaccuracy in the
quotation from the Quran. But al-Qaida wannabes are often
engineers without good Arabic or Islamics training.
Most probably, then, this group consists of a small (and
previously obscure) expatriate Muslim network somewhere in
continental Europe, which has decided to announce its allegiance
to Qaida al-Jihad. It is highly unlikely that al-Qaida itself
retains enough command and control to plan or order such
operations. They could have found many cues in al-Qaida
literature, however, that London should be attacked.
The United Kingdom had not been a target for al-Qaida in the
late 1990s. But in October 2001, bin Laden threatened the United
Kingdom with suicide aircraft attacks if it joined in the U.S.
campaign in Afghanistan. In November of 2002, bin Laden said in an
audiotape, "What do your governments want from their alliance
with America in attacking us in Afghanistan? I mention in
particular Britain, France, Italy, Canada, Germany and
Australia." In February of 2003, as Bush and Blair marched to
war in Iraq, bin Laden warned that the U.K. as well as the U.S.
would be made to pay. In October of 2003, bin Laden said of the
Iraq war, "Let it be known to you that this war is a new
campaign against the Muslim world," and named Britain as a
target for reprisals. A month later, an al-Qaida-linked group
detonated bombs in Istanbul, targeting British sites and killing
the British vice-consul. Although bin Laden offered several
European countries, including Britain, a truce in April of 2004 if
they would withdraw from Afghanistan and Iraq, the deadline for
the end of the truce ended in mid-July of that year.
Ayman al-Zawahiri recently issued a videotape, excerpts of
which appeared on al-Jazeera on June 17, which stressed the need
for violent action as opposed to participation in political
reform. True reform, he said, must be based on three premises: The
rule of Islamic law, liberating the lands of Islam from the
Occupier, and the freedom of the Islamic community in managing its
own affairs. He thundered that "expelling the marauder
Crusader and Jewish forces cannot be done through demonstrations
and hoarse voices." Al-Zawahiri's videotapes have often been
issued just before major terrorist actions, and some analysts
believe that they are intended as cues for when they should be
undertaken. Abdel Bari Atwan, the London editor of the Arab
newspaper al-Quds, warned that the appearance of the tape signaled
an imminent attack.
The communiqué on the London bombing is unusual in appealing
both to the Muslim community and to the "community of
Arabism." "Urubah," or Arabism, is a secular
nationalist ideal. The diction suggests that the bombers are from
a younger generation of activists who have not lived in non-Arab
Muslim countries such as Pakistan and Afghanistan, and think of
Arabism and Islam as overlapping rather than alternatives to one
another. The text makes relatively few references to religion,
reading more as a statement of Muslim nationalism than of piety.
In accordance with al-Zawahiri's focus on violence as the
answer to the "marauding" of occupying non-Muslim armies
in Muslim lands, the statement condemns what it calls
"massacres" by "Zionist" British troops in
Iraq and Afghanistan, both of them Muslim lands under Western
military occupation (and, it is implied, similar in this regard to
Gaza and the West Bank under Israeli control). These bombings, it
says, are a form of revenge for these alleged predations. The
language of revenge recalls tribal feuds rather than Islamic
values.
The terrorists refer to the bombings, which they say they
carefully planned over a long period, as a "blessed
raid." They are recalling the struggle between the wealthy,
pagan trading entrepot, Mecca, and the beleaguered, persecuted
Muslim community in Medina in early seventh century west Arabia.
The Muslims around the Prophet Mohammed responded to the Meccan
determination to wipe them out by raiding the caravans of their
wealthy rivals, depriving them of their profits and gradually
strangling them. The victorious Muslims, having cut the
idol-worshipping Meccan merchants off, marched into the city in
630. Al-Qaida teaches its acolytes that great Western metropolises
such as New York and London are the Meccas of this age, centers of
paganism, immorality and massive wealth, from which plundering
expeditions are launched against hapless, pious Muslims. This
symbology helps explain why the City of London subway stops were
especially targeted, since it is the economic center of London. A
"raid" such as the Muslim bombings is considered not
just a military action but also a religious ritual.
If the communiqué of Qaida al-Jihad in Europe proves
authentic, the London bombings are the second major instance of
terrorism in Europe directly related to the Iraq war. In March of
2004, the Moroccan Islamic Combatant Group (French acronym: GICM)
launched a massive attack on trains in Madrid in order to punish
Spain for its participation in the U.S.-led coalition in Iraq,
following on their bombing of Casablanca the previous year.
From the point of view of a serious counterinsurgency campaign
against al-Qaida, Bush has made exactly the wrong decisions all
along the line. He decided to "unleash" Israeli Prime
Minister Ariel Sharon rather than pressing for Israeli-Palestinian
peace and an end to Israeli occupation of the territories it
captured in 1967. Rather than extinguishing this most incendiary
issue for Arabs and Muslims, he poured gasoline on it. His
strategy in response to Sept. 11 was to fight the Afghanistan War
on the cheap. By failing to commit American ground troops in Tora
Bora, he allowed bin Laden and al-Zawahiri to escape. He reneged
on promises to rebuild Afghanistan and prevent the reemergence of
the Taliban and al-Qaida there, thus prolonging the U.S. and NATO
military presence indefinitely. He then diverted most American
military and reconstruction resources into an illegal war on Iraq.
That war may have been doomed from the beginning, but Bush's
refusal to line up international support, and his administration's
criminal lack of planning for the postwar period, made failure
inevitable.
Conservative commentators argue that Iraq is a "fly
trap" for Muslim terrorists. It makes much more sense to
think of it as bin Laden's fly trap for Western troops. There,
jihadis can kill them (making the point that they are not
invulnerable), and can provoke reprisals against Iraqi civilians
that defame the West in the Muslim world. After Abu Ghraib and
Fallujah, many Muslims felt that Bin Laden's dire warnings to them
that the United States wanted to occupy their countries, rape
their women, humiliate their men, and steal their assets had been
vindicated.
These claims were not credited by most of the world's Muslims
before the Iraq war. Opinion polls show that most of the world's
Muslims have great admiration for democracy and many other Western
values. They object to the U.S. and the U.K. because of their
policies, not their values. Before Bush, for instance, the vast
majority of Indonesians felt favorably toward the United States.
Even after a recent bounce from U.S. help with tsunami relief,
only about a third now do.
The global anti-insurgency battle against al-Qaida must be
fought smarter if the West is to win. To criminal investigations
and surveillance must be added a wiser set of foreign policies.
Long-term Western military occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq is
simply not going to be acceptable to many in the Muslim world.
U.S. actions at Abu Ghraib and Fallujah created powerful new
symbols of Muslim humiliation that the jihadis who sympathize with
al-Qaida can use to recruit a new generation of terrorists. The
U.S. must act as an honest broker in resolving the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. And Bush and Blair must urgently
find a credible exit strategy from Iraq that can extricate the
West from bin Laden's fly trap.
Chicago political scientist Robert Pape argues in his new book,
"Dying to Win," that the vast majority of suicide
bombers are protesting foreign military occupation undertaken by
democratic societies where public opinion matters. He points out
that there is no recorded instance of a suicide attack in Iraq in
all of history until the Anglo-American conquest of that country
in 2003. He might have added that neither had any bombings been
undertaken elsewhere in the name of Iraq.
George Bush is sure to try to use the London bombings to rally
the American people to support his policies. If Americans look
closer, however, they will realize that Bush's incompetent crusade
has made the world more dangerous, not less.
About
the writer
Juan
Cole is a professor of modern Middle Eastern and South Asian
history at the University of Michigan and the author of
"Sacred Space and Holy War" (IB Tauris, 2002).
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