The United States is governed at the national level by two major parties: the right-wing Republicans and the center-left Democrats.. It has been 165 years since someone was elected president who did not come from this political duopoly, which does not represent the full range of views held by the U.S. electorate but has worked hard to ensure that the candidates it puts forward are often the only ones from which voters can choose.
The Green Party’s Jill Stein, a medical doctor from Massachusetts turned left-wing activist who is running for president, is aware the odds are stacked against her. She’s done this before, after all: in 2012 she received about 470,000 votes, or 0.36 percent of the vote.
The difference now, Stein argues in an interview with teleSUR, is that after years of losing hope under President Barack Obama, progressives in the U.S. are ready for the sort of radical change that neither party has to offer: things like genuinely free healthcare, student debt forgiveness and military spending that no longer rivals what the rest of the world spends combined.
But what about Bernie, the avowed socialist senator from Vermont? Sanders is giving Hillary Clinton, the political establishment’s preferred Democrat, a serious run for her corporate money. By doing so, is he demonstrating the value of trying to change one of the major parties from within or effectively keeping the left within an abusive relationship?
And what about Donald Trump? Every time the Republican Party’s billionaire front-runner says something disgusting — branding Mexicans rapists; calling Syrians terrorists — his poll numbers only go up. Can the United States, or the rest of the world, really afford voters choosing 2016 to reject the “lesser evil” offered by the Democrats when that could empower the no-longer-“crypto-” fascist right?
The following is an edited transcript of a conversation with Stein where we she answers both those questions and much more.
This content was originally published by teleSUR at the following address:
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US Presidential Candidate Jill Stein: I Want to
Be President to Save the World
teleSUR interviews the Green Party’s Jill Stein, a medical doctor
turned left-wing activist who is running for president of the United
States.
By Charles Davis
November 04, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" - "teleSUR"
- The United States is governed at the national level by two
major parties: the right-wing Republicans and the center-left
Democrats.. It has been 165 years since someone was elected
president who did not come from this political duopoly, which does
not represent the full range of views held by the U.S. electorate
but has worked hard to ensure that the candidates it puts forward
are often the only ones from which voters can choose.
The Green Party’s Jill Stein, a medical doctor
from Massachusetts turned left-wing activist who is running for
president, is aware the odds are stacked against her. She’s done
this before, after all: in 2012 she received about 470,000 votes, or
0.36 percent of the vote.
The difference now, Stein argues in an interview
with teleSUR, is that after years of losing hope under President
Barack Obama, progressives in the U.S. are ready for the sort of
radical change that neither party has to offer: things like
genuinely free healthcare, student debt forgiveness and military
spending that no longer rivals what the rest of the world spends
combined.
But what about Bernie, the avowed socialist
senator from Vermont? Sanders is giving Hillary Clinton, the
political establishment’s preferred Democrat, a serious run for her
corporate money. By doing so, is he demonstrating the value of
trying to change one of the major parties from within or effectively
keeping the left within an abusive relationship?
And what about Donald Trump? Every time the
Republican Party’s billionaire front-runner says something
disgusting — branding Mexicans rapists; calling Syrians terrorists —
his poll numbers only go up. Can the United States, or the rest of
the world, really afford voters choosing 2016 to reject the “lesser
evil” offered by the Democrats when that could empower the
no-longer-“crypto-” fascist right?
The following is an edited transcript of a
conversation with Stein where we she answers both those questions
and much more.
Who are you and how did you get into
politics?
I’m a mother and medical doctor and after
practicing medicine in a clinic for a couple decades I’m now
practicing political medicine because it’s the mother of all
illnesses.
Basically, as a doc in the clinic I saw an
epidemic of new diseases that have very clear drivers in our social
and economic and physical environment, everything from air pollution
to poverty, homelessness, industrial food, etcetera. And I foolishly
thought well, gee, I’ll just get active and join community groups
and try to get our elected officials to fix these problems — and
over the course of 10 or 15 years learned that’s not how our system
works. We have to fundamentally change the system if we’re going to
change what’s literally killing us.
As a doctor, you’re familiar with the fact
that when people talk about preventable diseases, they often put the
onus on the individual to take steps to prevent that disease
themselves. But you’re looking more at the systemic things we can do
to prevent these diseases.
“The crisis in the health care system is a
symptom of a much broader crisis across all sectors of society,
where essentially policy has been hijacked for the benefit of
the wealthy few.”
In fact, we cannot actually achieve health through
the doctor’s office and pushing pills and medical procedures, which
is what modern medicine unfortunately has become in the U.S. We’re
spending more than any other country by far and certainly have the
lowest indicators (in the developed world), by any measure, whether
you’re looking at child mortality or asthma rates or longevity or
cancer rates, we are doing very poorly compared to countries that
are spending a fraction of what we are spending.
We are going broke and I think the crisis in the
health care system is a symptom of a much broader crisis across all
sectors of society, where essentially policy has been hijacked for
the benefit of the wealthy few. And that is who our political system
is funded by and who it serves.
You’re out of the doctor’s office and in
the White House. People love to talk about what the president’s
first 100 days agenda would be, so what would you do to start
changing the system?
Well, number one, we abolish student debt, which
can be done with the stroke of a pen and is really critical for
liberating an entire generation of youth who are essentially
indentured servants right now with no hope of change on the horizon.
And that can be done simply with a quantitative easing, which was
done for the banks, it’s about time we do it for students.
And that’s also a critical part of mobilizing the
social force to actually get us there. There are 40 million young
people who are trapped in student debt. That is enough to win a
three-way race.
The second thing that we will do is create health
care as a human right, which is critical and also must be done in
order for people to be productive and creative members of society we
need to be healthy. And we’ll actually save money, not lose money,
by moving to an improved Medicare-for-all, which is far simpler and
saves about US$400 billion a year in waste, paper pushing, and
pharmaceutical and insurance company profiteering. That money can be
put toward covering everyone comprehensively.
Another key objective is to create jobs to address
the economic emergency and the climate emergency in one fell swoop.
It’s called a ‘recovery’ but in fact it’s an emergency. It’s been a
great recovery for the stock market and for the wealthy few, but for
everyday Americans it’s a struggle to survive. Creating these jobs,
but specifically focused on making communities sustainable. It’s
based on the New Deal that helped us get out of the Great
Depression, but with a real focus on sustainability — economic,
social and ecological sustainability.
“There’s no excuse for us to be quaking in our
boots about casting a vote that could not only liberate us but
the rest of the world from the certain fate that we have right
now under either party of oligarchy and imperialism.”
This means achieving 100 percent clean, renewable
energy by 2030, which is a high bar but it’s doable and essential,
as well as healthy and sustainable food systems and public
transportation. That’s the three key focuses of the Green New Deal,
which would create an emergency transition to a green economy. And
that addresses the other half of this, which is turning the tide on
climate change — and the windfall from all of this is that it makes
wars for oil obsolete.
That’s where some of the funding comes from to
make this possible. It enables us to massively cut our bloated and
dangerous military budget, which is not making us more secure but
getting us into trouble all around the world. And the other benefit
of the Green New Deal is it practically pays for itself in health
care dollars alone. Currently we spend US$3 trillion a year on a
“sickcare” system, that basically allows us to be poisoned in a
variety of ways, creating epidemics, and then it keeps us broke
paying for pharmaceuticals that don’t really cure us.
In 1990, Cuba experienced a health revolution,
with no real air pollution, when it had to move to a plant-based,
sustainable, organic food system, and people had to use active
transportation to get around after when its oil pipeline went down
with the collapse of the Soviet Union. And their health statistics
were just astounding: Death rates from diabetes went down 50
percent; death rates from heart disease and strokes went down
between 15 to approximately 25 percent, and this is well documented.
This isn’t just theory that there’s an enormous payback for a green
economy. These are basically investments that pay for themselves
very quickly, which also have the benefit of transforming our
economy to something which is just and sustainable and largely
community based.
And I think foreign policy is embedded in that as
well — moving to a foreign policy based on international law and
human rights and not on economic and military domination, which has
proven to be a catastrophic failure.
That’s actually what my next question is
about. Could you explain what your foreign policy would look like
and how a policy of non-intervention differs from a policy of
isolation? For instance, what would a Jill Stein presidency do about
the refugee crisis in Syria? Is there a role for the government?
Very good case in point. We have refugees
streaming out of Syria and Iraq and Afghanistan and Libya and what
do these countries have in common? These were disasters produced
largely by U.S. policy. It’s very critical that we stop forcing
people into becoming refugees and at the same time we must deal with
the refugee crisis. This is why we say we have to have a foreign
policy based on international law and human rights. We cannot simply
wash our hands of the mess that we have made, nor can we wash our
hands of our responsibility as a member of society.
We need to become a member of the international
community working with, for example, Russia, which has put out
several olive branches around Syria and has been doing that actually
ever since 2012, I believe, when they first suggested that we sit
down and go to the table and figure out a peace process for Syria,
which they at that time said include moving Assad on to another
position. We’ve been very reluctant to participate in dialogue, it’s
been the last resort.
On the issue of nuclear weapons and the potential
for nuclear war, which seems to get bigger by the day, the U.S.
pulled out of the anti-ballistic missile too. There too we have been
turning a blind eye to offers coming even from Putin to sit down and
massively reduce our nuclear arsenals and then get together with the
other nations of the world because non-proliferation, that is
stemming the spread of nuclear weapons, depends in law as well as in
fact on the nations holding nuclear weapons actually getting rid of
them. We need to begin truly taking that seriously before things
really go in the wrong direction. And the U.S. is spending a
trillion dollars over the next three decades to upgrade our nuclear
arsenal, create a whole new generation of weapons and delivery
systems. This is an outrageous waste of resources.
I just wanted to touch more on the refugee
issue. The U.S. has only accepted 1,900 refugees thus far. And I
spoke to a refugee last week who told me once that they get here
they don’t really get much in the way of an orientation or any
money. They’re basically dropped off in a country they are
unfamiliar with and they have to figure out how to get a job, how to
learn English. What kind of approach would you have to the refugees?
We need to pitch-in proportional to our ability to
do so. We need to do our part for emergency relief and we need to
accept our portion of the refugees.
There are refugee associations calling on the U.S.
to accept, I believe, 100,000 (Syrians) and that’s the figure we
need to be talking about. And we need to put out the welcome mat
and, I would say, this is with regard to the refugees who are
already in the country as well -- the refugees from Latin America
that we are holding in detention centers. Women and children who are
being held in family detention. This is an absolute human rights
outrage that people who we have forced into becoming refugees are
being criminalized. It’s very clear to see how in the way we’re
treating children fleeing from Honduras and Guatemala how they’ve
been criminalized. And I think we’re treating Syrian refugees not
quite that bad, but almost that bad, and we need to recognize the
human rights of refugees and do so on an emergency basis.
The numbers that expected from climate change over
the next several decades are expected to massively increase. I think
it’s on the order of hundreds of millions of refugees we’re looking
it. This is what the future looks like… This is nothing like what’s
coming in the pipeline.
Bernie Sanders is running for president.
He calls himself a democratic socialist. And he’s posing a serious
challenge to Hillary Clinton, at least in some states. In fact, he’s
leading in New Hampshire. So I’m curious: What do you make of Bernie
Sanders and why are you running when there is a guy like him running
in the Democratic Party and at least having a chance of getting the
nomination?
Well, I love what he’s doing. And he’s definitely
stirring the pot and it’s great what he’s saying. And I think he is
really reflecting the extent of the outrage and discontent out there
among the voting public. And he’s using the big megaphone that the
Democratic Party has and its infrastructure. That’s terrific. What’s
not terrific is that the Democratic Party has a kill switch for
exactly this kind of campaign, which it has reliably used over many
decades ever since George McGovern managed to get the Democratic
Party nomination as a peace candidate. Infrastructure changes were
created within the party to ensure that will never happen again and
it has never happened again.
The Democrats are as deep in corrupt political
money as anyone and what they deliver is as bad as the
Republicans.
The Democratic Party has Super Tuesdays, which
requires massive corporate funding in order to get through. and then
they have as a last resort superdelegates, which amount to 20
percent of the delegates to the convention, but it also amounts to
half of what a candidate needs to win, so they can shore up an
insider candidate if needed. That pretty well locks down the
nomination. They also have the public relations campaigns that the
Democratic National Committee uses when they need them. They used it
against Howard Dean. You don’t have to go back too far to remember
when we had a candidate with integrity who was doing really well
inside the Democratic Party and all they needed to do was their spin
campaign with the “Dean scream” and basically knock him out of
contention. They did the same thing with Jesse Jackson when he was
on a roll and made him out to be an anti-Semite and anti-Israel, so
there are all kinds of firewalls within the Democratic Party that
will prevent a rebel from actually gaining traction.
What they will do, though, is use these rebels to
keep people inside the Democratic Party while the party keeps
marching to the right. It becomes an increasingly corporatist party,
more dependent than ever on big money and the banks and the
insurance companies and the hedge fund managers. The Democrats are
as deep in corrupt political money as anyone and what they deliver
is as bad as the Republicans. Now they differ around the margins of
social policy, but on the issues of basic economic, civil liberties,
war, Wall Street — the bailouts under Obama were US$17 trillion,
under George Bush it was US$800 billion. More immigrants have
deported under Obama than all other administrations. More press
persecuted under the Espionage Act than all other administrations
put together. The war on terror has exploded under Obama: the use of
drones, et cetera. So the Democrats are not going to save your life,
your job, our democracy or the planet.
The Democratic Party is not going to allow Bernie
Sanders to squeak through, so where would we be if we don’t have a
Plan B? When Bernie gets knocked out of contention, there would be
no place for people to go if not for our campaign. The difference
between our campaign and Bernie’s is that we’re not looking for the
Democratic Party to save us. We are establishing an independent base
for political resistance where we can continue to grow, because
there is no relief on the horizon and we need to get busy right now
building the lifeboat we’ll need to rescue ourselves and our
children.
If Bernie does lose the nomination, he will
encourage his followers to embrace the Democratic nominee, who would
likely be Hillary Clinton in this scenario. I didn’t find the “look
at how scary the Republicans are” argument very compelling when it
was Barack Obama versus Mitt Romney, given that Romney governed like
a moderate Democrat when he actually had power. But this time there
are the likes of Ben Carson and Donald Trump who I don’t think it’s
unfair to say have overtly fascist campaigns.
So what would you say to that Bernie
supporter who’s listening to the senator that they have supported
and trust, and who’s telling them, “look at how scary the
Republicans are, let’s rally behind Hillary.” What do you say to
that? Because this time around it does seem more persuasive than in
previous years.
One, Hillary is pretty scary, just look at her
policies. She’ll do it with a smile, just like Obama, and if you
look at what Obama delivered, it’s horrible, whether you’re looking
at the bailouts for Wall Street, the offshoring of our jobs, the
massive spread of the war on terror, so called, the attack on our
civil liberties. I mean this has been a disaster and far worse than
George Bush delivered.
The bottom line here is the politics of fear
delivers everything you’re afraid of and we’ve been getting those
things for decades. There is no more margin here. We really need a
different way forward. We need to put our feet down and stand up for
what it is we believe in. We need to forget the lesser evil and
fight for the greater good.
There’s no easy way out here. There is going to be
hell to pay. But at least we will be fighting to turn this around. I
sort of feel like I function as a political therapist and I help
people break up with abusive political relationships. We’ve been fed
this line that, oh, the lesser evil isn’t so bad, they really love
us in their heart. Meanwhile, we are being stripped of our rights,
our jobs, decent income and a world that is habitable. It is
slipping through our fingers. And it’s not going to be delivered by
Democrats or Republicans. It’s not going to be delivered by us
voting our greatest fear rather than voting our deeply held beliefs.
Democracy needs a moral compass. We need to stand up and use it or
we are lost at sea.
Bernie on the campaign trail often talks
about how his vision for the United States is similar to that of
social democratic states in northern Europe like Denmark and Sweden.
Not that the U.S. can or should replicate the example of the very
specific struggles that took place in Latin American countries, but
do you think there are things the U.S. can learn from, for example,
Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela, both in terms of the policies they
pursued and in the way that the left has actually attained power and
wielded it?
There are huge lessons there. I’m a medical
doctor, not a historian or political theorist, but the examples in
Latin America are very compelling. Just look at the health
revolutions coming out of not only Venezuela and Ecuador and
Bolivia, but Cuba as well. The amazing improvements in health, food
security, and the use of critical public resources for public goods.
The constitutions, I believe in Ecuador and Bolivia, ensure the
rights of Mother Earth, which is really critical, I think, and
should be protected. And there needs to be public control over our
energy sector or there’s no getting out of here alive if our energy
resources are simply used to profiteer — the planet is not going to
survive that.
Particularly the social mobilization that took
place, especially around water, is really critical and I provides a
real example that the U.S. takes note of: how people mobilized
around essential resources and then the movements came together,
that included not only the water advocates but labor, women’s
rights, land reform. Building broad coalitions is essential.
Mobilizing those coalitions to be a social force out in the street
is really critical. And that that social movement needs to claim its
political power.
Just looking at the broad outlines of how the
political revolutions took place in Ecuador, Bolivia and Venezuela
is really compelling and provides a way forward. People here ask how
we are ever going to break the stranglehold of the oligarchy and the
fact that it’s been done in Latin America, after centuries of
colonialism and total domination of the economy and society, is very
incredible. We have so much to learn.
My last year in medical school I spent part of a
summer in Guatemala delivering health care in a rural clinic — this
was back in 1979, when the terrible death squads were in full force.
And it’s been so tragic and sad to see Guatemala crushed, for
centuries, actually. But the fact that Guatemala got out in the
street and the peasants actually overthrew the reigning president,
himself a member of those death squads, to me is such an incredibly
inspiring example of how a people determined can actually rise up
and change the direction of their society and their lives even after
centuries after massive, brutal, violent repression. If Guatemalans
can have that kind of courage, we can have that kind of courage
here.
Just being slightly less worse than the worst
possible scenario is not acceptable. We have to be willing to stand
up and throw off those chains of powerlessness. In the words of
Alice Walker, the biggest way people give up power is by not knowing
they have it. We have it. the people of Guatemala knew they have it.
There’s no excuse for us to be quaking in our boots about casting a
vote that could not only liberate us but the rest of the world from
the certain fate that we have right now under either party of
oligarchy and imperialism. We have the ability to change course for
the USA and the entire world.